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661.
662.
Ann Lyon 《Liverpool Law Review》2000,22(2-3):173-203
The Titles Deprivation Act represents the `other side of the coin' of King George V's decision in 1917 to divest the Royal Family of its appearance of German-ness and adopt an outwardEnglishness by renouncing the German titles of its members and adopting the surname of Windsor. The Act created a mechanism by which German holders of British royal titles and peerages could be deprived of those honours on grounds which had no precedent in earlier law and practice, this mechanism
being used for the first and only time in an Order in Council of 28th March 1919 to deprive three German princes and one Austrian,
two of them first cousins of George V and a third an uncle by marriage, of the British titles which they held.
This paper considers, first, the background to the Act and, in particular, the reason why legislation on this highly controversial
issue was introduced in Parliament only after theFirst World War had been going on for two-and-a-half years. It identifies the reason for this delay as the reluctance of the Asquith Government
to involve the King as the `fountain of honour' with a course of action which he personally considered to be petty and undignified
and of no importance to the war effort, and hypothesises that the Government's change of heart resulted from the trial and
execution of Roger Casement for treason, with which there is an exact coincidence in time. Second, the paper considers the manner in which the Bill was drafted,
identifies its distinctive features and follows its passage through Parliament. Third, it considers the manner in which the
provisions of the Act were put into effect, in particular the manner in which evidence was gathered to create a case against
the persons affected by it.
This revised version was published online in August 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date. 相似文献
663.
Brenda Ann Beukman 《美中法律评论》2010,7(3):47-53
This article explores the developments in the plight of victims as well as the professional role of the South African criminologists in offering assistance to victims of crime by compiling victim impact statements on behalf of victims. The VIS has a significant contribution to make in a stage of the judicial process where acknowledgement of a victim takes place after a judgment or a guilty conviction. During the trial process a victim in legal terms does not exist. It is only at this final stage before sentencing that the court will view the complainant as a victim. It is imperative that the complainant's voice is heard as a victim-one who has suffered loss regardless of its shape and form. The all encompassing contribution of the VIS lies in its empowering nature due to the fact that it also can contribute to crime prevention by lowering the crime rate and reducing the cyclical nature of violence and crime. 相似文献
664.
Ruth Fletcher Diamond Ashiagbor Nicola Barker Katie Cruz Nadine El-Enany Nikki Godden-Rasul Emily Grabham Sarah Keenan Ambreena Manji Julie McCandless Sheelagh McGuinness Sara Ramshaw Yvette Russell Harriet Samuels Ann Stewart Dania Thomas 《Feminist Legal Studies》2017,25(1):1-23
Picking up the question of what FLaK might be, this editorial considers the relationship between openness and closure in feminist legal studies. How do we draw on feminist struggles for openness in common resources, from security to knowledge, as we inhabit a compromised space in commercial publishing? We think about this first in relation to the content of this issue: on image-based abuse continuums, asylum struggles, trials of protestors, customary justice, and not-so-timely reparations. Our thoughts take us through the different ways that openness and closure work in struggles against violence, cruel welcomes, and re-arrangements of code and custom. Secondly, we share some reflections on methodological openness and closure as the roundtable conversation on asylum, and the interview with Riles, remind us of #FLaK2016 and its method of scattering sources as we think about how best to mix knowledges. Thirdly, prompted by the FLaK kitchen table conversations on openness, publishing and ‘getting the word out’, we respond to Kember’s call to ‘open up open access’. We explain the different current arrangements for opening up FLS content and how green open access, the sharedit initiative, author request and publisher discretion present alternatives to gold open access. Finally drawing on Franklin and Spade, we show how there are a range of ‘wench tactics’—adapting gifts, stalling and resting—which we deploy as academic editors who are trying to have an impact on the access, use and circulation of our journal, even though we do not own the journal we edit. These wench tactics are alternatives to the more obvious or reported tactic of resignation, or withdrawing academic labour from editing and reviewing altogether. They help us think about brewing editorial time, what ambivalence over our 25th birthday might mean, and how to inhabit painful places. In this, we respond in our own impure, compromised way to da Silva’s call not to forget the native and slave as we do FLaK, and repurpose shrapnel, in our common commitments. 相似文献
665.
Existing studies examining social capital and housing instability have overlooked structural factors such as discrimination, providing an incomplete explanation of the relationship between social capital and housing instability. This study addresses this limitation by exploring how discrimination and social capital are related to housing instability. This study is a secondary analysis of data collected during the Atlanta Neighborhood Pilot study. The sample consists of mostly African American adults who resided in the Atlanta metropolitan area in 2013 (n = 691). After controlling for sociodemographic characteristics, residential mobility, and public assistance, stepwise logistic regression identified social capital and discrimination as significant predictors of housing instability. Lower social capital and higher everyday discrimination scores were associated with increased odds for housing instability. Individuals 35 or older, those with annual incomes between $25,000 and $50,000, and those who reported receiving public assistance during their lifetime also had increased odds for housing instability. Findings identify characteristics of individuals vulnerable to housing instability and suggest that social capital development as a housing intervention warrants further exploration. These findings can be utilized by policymakers and practitioners to better target funding and to create efficient systems better equipped to deploy early homelessness prevention interventions. 相似文献
666.
This paper takes up Avtar Brah's (1999) invitation to write back to the issues she raises in her mapping of the production of gendered, classed and racialised subjectivities in west London. It addresses two topics that, together, illuminate racialised and gendered interpellation and psychosocial processes. The paper is divided into two main sections. The first draws on empirical research on the transition to motherhood conducted in east London to consider one mother's experience of giving birth in the local maternity hospital. The maternity ward constituted a site where racialised difference became salient, leading her to construct her maternal identity by asserting her difference from Bangladeshi mothers and so self-racialising, as well as ‘othering’ Bangladeshi mothers. The paper analyses the ways in which her biography may help to explain why her experience of the maternity hospital interpellates her into racialised positioning. The second section focuses on media responses to the riots in various English cities in August 2011. It examines the ways in which some media punditry racialised the riots and inclusion in the British postcolonial nation. The paper analyses three sets of commentaries and illuminates the ways in which they racialise the debate in essentialising ways, reproducing themes that were identified in the 1980s as ‘new racism’ and apportioning blame for the riots to ‘black gangster culture’. While these media pronouncements focus on racialisation, they are intersectional in implicitly also invoking gender and social class. The paper argues that the understanding of the mother's self-racialisation is deepened by a consideration of the racialised discourses that can be evoked (and are contested) in periods of social unrest. The paper thus draws on part of the methodology of ‘The Scent of Memory’ in layering media readings and biographical narratives to analyse the contemporary psychosocial space of racialisation. 相似文献
667.
Ann Kitalong Clarence Kitalong Nick Penna Clarence Kitalong Jr. Christopher Kitalong 《美中公共管理》2009,6(4):40-46
A collaborative 18 month study was conducted within 4 protected mangroves areas in Airai State, Southeast Babeldaob and the Republic of Palau with traditional men and women groups. Water quality, forest structure, and the size distribution and relative abundance of the mud crab, Scylla serrata and the clam Anodontia edulenta were studied. Water quality parameters differed significantly between sites as follows: pH (F=16.8; df=3,138; p〈0.000), turbidity (KW-H=22.07; df=3,162; p〈0.0006), salinity (F=19.8; df=3,366; p〈0.000), dissolved oxygen (KW-H=13.4; dr=3, 169; p〈0.0012) and temperature (F=4.33; df=3,157; p〈0.006). The total mean density of all trees was 2,077±225 stems ha^-1 and differed significantly between sites (KW-H=9.3; df=3; p〈0.02). The total mean basal area was 18.9±2.76 m^2ha^-1 and differed significantly between sites (KW-H=36.2; df=3; p〈0.000). The total mean volume of all trees was 679 m^3ha^-1 ± 201 m^3ha^-1. The total mean density of saplings was 1,234 ± 297 saplings ha^-1. The mean percent tree canopy cover significantly differed between sites (F=3.3; df=3, 32; p〈0.02). Mean soil elevation decreased at sites 1 and 4 and increased at sites 2 and 3. The mean soil accretion was greater at sites 1 and 3 than sites 2 and 4. The mean weight for all crabs was significantly different between sites (F=3.2; df=3, 178; p〈0.02). The mean weight for 55 females was 0.62 g ± 0.04 kg (SE) and differed significantly between sites (F=4.2; dr=3, 51; p〈0.01). The mean weight for 157 males was 0.75 ± 0.04kg (SE). The mean carapace width (CW) for all crabs was 14.30 ± 0.20 cm (SE). The mean carapace width (CW) for 56 females was 14.4 ± 0.35cm (SE) and significantly differed between sites (F=4.6; df=3, 52; p〈0.006). The mean carapace width (CW) for 157 males was 14.3 ± 0.21 cm. The mean CPUE for all sites was 0.48 ± 0.04 crabs trapl night^-1 (SE) and significantly differed between sites (F=2.9; df=3, 77; p=0.04). A total of 21 tagged crabs were recaptured in the same area they were initially tagged, of which 3 male crabs had molted. A male was recaptured in the same trap 180 days after capture at Site 1 ; the carapace width increased by 3.6 cm and a weight increase of 0.75kg. A single A. edulenta was found in the protected areas. Clams harvested in Airai State outside the protected areas were significantly smaller than clams harvested in northwest Babeldaob (F=14.8; df=1, 198;p〈0.0002). Crab fishers and the community recommended a harvest ban on female crabs, enforcement of existing 6inch CW harvest size limit, further investigation of point sources of coliform bacteria and sediment pollution and a harvest limit on mangrove trees. 相似文献
668.
作为一篇导论性文章,本文旨在促进社会变迁——与本地、国家和地区层面全球化进程相伴随——研究中强调社会性别中心位置的变革性学术和研究。本文的六个主题相互关联,都将全球化视为一种社会性别化的现象,并研究社会性别如何现身于全球化逻辑之内,以及如何被嵌入到全球化的过程和结构之中。这些主题考察了全球化如何塑造了社会性别化的制度;在男女两性资源获得和控制、价值观念、自身认同、选择、角色行为和社会性别权力关系方面,全球化是如何建构社会性别的;全球化如何影响男女两性所生活的社会文化环境。这些主题也将全球化的辨证关系解释为对男女两性产生纷繁影响的全球及地区政治经济和社会文化环境之间冲突性互动的结果。全篇的重点在于提出有效的社会变迁策略。 相似文献
669.
670.
States vary the content and subject matter of their claims to sovereignty. In an analysis of when states invoked sovereignty at recent UN World Conferences on the environment (1992), human rights (1993), and women (1995), the authors revise and extend Litfin's (1997) notion of bargains among components of sovereignty. At the conferences, states invoked sovereignty in debates over cultural and religious values, economics, and increased international accountability. The authors interpret the debates based on how four elements of sovereignty—autonomy, control, and legitimacy in the eyes of other states and nonstate actors—are traded by states through implicit or explicit bargaining. They identify patterns that vary by issue area. The authors argue that nongovernmental organizations as well as other states may legitimate or delegitimate states' sovereign claims. They find that countries of the global South made more sovereignty claims of all kinds than Northern states. And, sovereignty bargains may be struck more easily over power and economics than social values. 相似文献