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Poetsch M Lüdcke C Repenning A Fischer L Mályusz V Simeoni E Lignitz E Oehmichen M von Wurmb-Schwark N 《Forensic science international》2006,159(2-3):98-103
In a certain amount of paternity investigations, only DNA from child and alleged father is analyzed, thus increasing the possibility of false paternity inclusions. The aim of this study was to determine how many wrong paternity inclusions could be detected in a rather small geographical area comparing empirical results from 336 children and 348 men (13-15 STRs were investigated per person). This comparison between each child and all unrelated men (i.e. all putative fathers from the other cases) with an especially designed computer program resulted in 116,004 man/child pairs. Less than three excluding STRs were found in 1666 child/unrelated man pairs (1.44% of the comparisons). At least one unrelated man with only two or less STR mismatches could be determined for 322 children (95.8% of all investigated children). In 26 comparisons no STR mismatches between a child and an unrelated man were detected, thus at least one and up to three "second father(s)" under 350 men could be found for 23 children, if the mother is excluded. Paternity probabilities between 95.475% and 99.996% were calculated. Our results underline the difficulties in motherless paternity cases using only STR analysis and advise great precaution in assigning verbal predicates such as "paternity proven" in those investigations. 相似文献
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Liverpool Law Review - This article aims to assess the suitability of the concept of ‘animal dignity’ as a normative principle for the legal approach towards animals. Through an... 相似文献
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Eva R. Kimonis Brittany Cross Aisha Howard Kathleen Donoghue 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(2):165-177
Callous-unemotional (CU) traits (i.e., lack of empathy/guilt, uncaring attitudes) are believed to be a developmental antecedent to adult psychopathy and identify antisocial youth at risk for severe and persistent aggression. The psychosocial histories of antisocial and aggressive individuals with psychopathic traits are characterized by abusive or unaffectionate parenting; however, there is a gap in the literature regarding the unique impact of these factors on adolescent offenders. The purpose of the present study was to examine the contribution of maternal warmth and affection (i.e., care) to dimensions of CU traits and aggression, after accounting for the influence of various types of childhood maltreatment. We investigated this aim in a sample of 227 urban male adolescent offenders housed in residential facilities. Results indicated that low maternal care was significantly associated with greater total CU traits and uncaring and callousness dimensions, even after controlling for the effects of various types of childhood abuse and neglect. Furthermore, there was a significant interaction between CU traits and care, such that aggression was highest among youths scoring high on CU traits who were exposed to low levels of maternal care. These findings draw attention to the importance of maternal bonding to CU traits and related aggressive behaviors among antisocial youth. 相似文献
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Eva Lundgren 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2):101-112
This article is a contribution to the ongoing process of elucidating and questioning the distinction between sex and gender in feminist theory, and the presupposition that the body and its sex are “givens”. The article argues, constructively, that the time has come for feminist sociology to re‐establish contact between the acting body and the symbolic body. The aim is to create a frame of reference in which the body, charged with symbols and power, becomes a category of transformation. The concepts “bodily gender” and “constitutive rules” and “regulative rules” are introduced as analytical tools. The theoretical reflections are bounced off empirical material on sexualized violence in a contemporary Norwegian subculture. 相似文献
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We hypothesize that the structural characteristics (i.e., centralization versus decentralization) of government affect the availability of training in values and skills that are fundamental to democratization. We test our hypothesis in statistical models predicting anticorruption training and policy skills training, using a model of technical skills training for comparison. We find that centralized government structure significantly increases the odds of receiving both anticorruption training and policy skills training. In contrast, we find no statistical correlation between government structure and receipt of technical skills training. In light of these empirical results, we describe a theoretical paradox in civil service reform associated with democratization: While the end goal of such reform is decentralized government with local services and a professionalized civil service, reform itself may best supported by a centralized environment to achieve the democratic value and skills training needed to support transition to democracy. 相似文献
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Joris Boonen Eva Falk Pedersen Marc Hooghe 《Journal of Elections, Public Opinion & Parties》2017,27(3):311-329
Partisanship and cognitive mobilization are generally seen as independent and counter-balancing influences on vote choice. While the former is typically regarded as a shortcut, reducing the need for close ideological congruence with one’s preferred party, the latter is associated with increasing levels of political sophistication and the importance of ideological proximity in voter decision-making. This paper tests the strength of these arguments in comparative perspective using data from Wave 3 of the Comparative Study of Electoral Systems (CSES). Our results show that in general higher levels of political sophistication are associated with higher levels of voter–party ideological congruence and that a strong party identification reduces this proximity. For voters with both high levels of sophistication and strong partisanship, however, congruence remains high. In a second step we examine whether these relationships are affected by the complexity of the party environment. Our findings show that party system size has no effect on levels of ideological congruence at the individual level, and this holds for different levels of voter sophistication. We conclude that for the most part voter sophistication and party identification are best seen as counter-weights in determining vote choice. 相似文献