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161.
Journal of Experimental Criminology - Research has considered the effect of convictions on employment and housing outcomes, but there are limited studies exploring how criminal justice contact... 相似文献
162.
Katherine Hildebrandt Karraker Suzanne L. Evans 《Journal of youth and adolescence》1996,25(5):651-666
Adolescent mothers of 8- to 14-month-old infants gave fewer correct responses on the Developmental Milestones Survey (DMS) and were less accurate in predicting whether or not their infants would pass Bayley items than adult mothers of same-aged infants. Adolescent mothers were more likely to underestimate their infant's performance if the mothers received lower scores on the DMS, especially if they were likely to guess too young an age when they missed DMS items. Adult mothers, on the other hand, were more likely to underestimate their infant's performance if the mothers were likely to guess too old an age when they missed DMS items. Some adolescent mothers thus expect too little too late from their own infant and too much too soon from the average infant. These mothers may fail to encourage their infant's development and may perceive their infant as less competent than other infants because of these expectations.This article is based on a master's thesis completed by the second author. An earlier version of these findings was presented at the meeting of the Society for Research in Child Development, New Orleans, Louisiana, March 1993.Received Ph.D., from Michigan State University. Research interests include adults' perceptions of infants and infant emotional regulation.Received M.A. from West Virginia University. Research interests include adolescent parenting and infant social development. 相似文献
163.
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165.
A rapid method to detect dried saliva stains swabbed from human skin using fluorescence spectroscopy
Soukos NS Crowley K Bamberg MP Gillies R Doukas AG Evans R Kollias N 《Forensic science international》2000,114(3):133-138
Saliva on skin is important in forensic trace evidence. If areas where saliva is present can be outlined, this may lead to DNA analysis and identification. This study describes a rapid and non-destructive method to detect dried saliva on the surface of the skin by fluorescence spectroscopy. Eighty-two volunteers deposited samples of their own saliva on the skin of their ventral forearm. A control sample of water was deposited at three different sites on the contralateral arm. Saliva and water control were then allowed to air-dry. Swab samples were taken from dried saliva and control sites and were dissolved in 0.1M KCl solution. Emission spectra were obtained from the solution and were characterized by a principal maximum at 345-355nm with excitation at 282nm. The fluorescence emission intensity was greater than background readings obtained from the control swab site in 80 of 82 volunteers (approximately 97.6%). The fluorescence profile of saliva samples were similar to those obtained from aqueous samples of pure amylase and tryptophan, an endogenous fluorophore in alpha-amylase. The presence of an emission peak at 345-355nm with excitation at 282nm could provide a strong presumptive indication of saliva deposition. 相似文献
166.
167.
Evans JH 《Journal of health politics, policy and law》2003,28(6):1003-1032
In recent years many policy proposals have been put forward to create financial incentives to encourage families to allow the harvesting of organs from their deceased relatives. While research has focused on whether these policies would actually increase the supply of organs, no research has focused on testing the ethical concerns about such policies. This article presents the findings of a pilot study conducted to determine whether people think that families should end life support of a family member in order to harvest organs if various incentive policies are in place. While the findings do not suggest a direct effect of these inducements, they do indicate that the amount of money received from organ donation is a consideration in making the decision whether to end life support. The implications of this finding for ethical debates and health policy are reviewed. 相似文献
168.
Sean P. Corcoran William N. Evans Robert M. Schwab 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2004,23(3):449-470
School officials and policymakers have grown increasingly concerned about their ability to attract and retain talented teachers. A number of authors have shown that in recent years the brightest students—at least those with the highest verbal and math scores on standardized tests—are less likely to enter teaching. In addition, it is frequently claimed that the ability of schools to attract these top students has been steadily declining for years. There is, however, surprisingly little evidence measuring the extent to which this popular proposition is true. We have good reason to suspect that the quality of those entering teaching has fallen over time. Teaching has for years remained a predominately female profession; at the same time, the employment opportunities for talented women outside teaching have soared. In this paper, we combine data from five longitudinal surveys of high school graduates spanning the classes of 1957 to 1992 to examine how the propensity for talented women to enter teaching has changed over time. While the quality of the average new female teacher has fallen only slightly over this period, the likelihood that a female from the top of her high school class will eventually enter teaching has fallen dramatically. © 2004 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management. 相似文献
169.
The 1998 Good Friday Agreement has provided a new political dispensation in Northern Ireland. Through the management of the competing aims of unionism and nationalism, the Agreement hopes to promote cross-community consensus and forge a new, moderate centre. However, the segmental autonomy evident under the consociationalism of the Agreement poses questions of the existing political centre in Northern Ireland. Traditionally, the centre, as represented by the Alliance Party, has rejected unionism and nationalism, believing either to be ideologies to be overcome, rather than accommodated. Under the post-Agreement political arrangements, Alliance has already been obliged to bolster pro-Agreement unionism, through the temporary tactical redesignation of three of its Assembly members as Unionist and through tacit support for selected unionist election candidates. Using the first ever membership survey of the existing centre party in Northern Ireland, this article examines whether its vision of a radical third tradition is sustainable in a polity in which unionist and nationalist politics are legitimised. 相似文献
170.
Rebecca Evans 《Human Rights Review》2007,8(3):249-276
Despite the common trauma of systematic human rights violations under military rule, Argentina, Chile, and Uruguay have responded
in markedly different ways to their troubling pasts. This paper explains differences in human rights policies over time and
across countries by looking at varying domestic conditions, including the ideological orientation of the governing party and
the structure of party competition, as well as constraints and opportunities presented by external events. Government support
for human rights derives in part from ideological proclivity but even more from the ability to build popular support for such
a policy. Conservative and center-right politicians lack credibility among voters on human rights and therefore have little
political incentive to adopt an activist stance on this issue. Leftist politicians are ideologically predisposed toward championing
human rights but may be hamstrung by concerns about alienating centrist voters. Leftist politicians will only come out strongly
in favor of human rights when they enjoy a clear political majority; leftist leaders who rely upon centrist allies will adopt
a low-profile approach to human rights. Conversely, centrist political leaders who rely upon leftist allies have a strong
political incentive to emphasize human rights. Once political momentum begins to shift to the right, however, centrist politicians
will downplay human rights. Finally, external events may significantly alter national discourse on human rights, allowing
cautious governments to gain political cover for more progressive human rights policy. By drawing attention to the important
role of ideology and the structure of party competition, this paper offers a more complete explanation of the sources of human
rights policy. It also provides a novel perspective on the ways in which external and international influences are filtered
through national political systems. 相似文献