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Raychelle M. Burks M.F.S. Shari E. Pacquette B.S. Mike A. Guericke B.S. Mark V. Wilson Ph.D. David J. Symonsbergen M.S. Kerry A. Lucas Ph.D. Andrea E. Holmes Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2010,55(3):723-727
Abstract: The design and preliminary characterization of a novel sensor for drugs of abuse, DETECHIP®, is described in this proof‐of‐concept note. Combining both colorimetric and fluorimetric assays, DETECHIP® is suitable for lab and field use. More than a conventional spot test which provides a single “yes or no” answer, DETECHIP® provides twenty responses for a more complete characterization of suspect material. This is accomplished by visually noting colorimetric and fluorescent changes of carefully selected dyes upon the addition of test analytes, including drugs of abuse, with respect to controls. Color and fluorescence changes are recorded numerically so that a 20 digit identification code can be constructed for comparison of test analytes and known compounds. DETECHIP® is applicable to a variety of drugs, both plant‐derived and synthetic, addressing the need to use several different spot tests simultaneously for a single sample. 相似文献
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Jeffrey D. Wilson 《当代亚洲杂志》2013,43(2):345-353
The emergence of “mega-regional” trade agreements has recently become the most significant trade policy issue in the Asia-Pacific. Since 2010, governments in the region have launched negotiations for two new trade agreements: the United States-led Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the ASEAN-led Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Differentiated by their membership, scope and level of ambition, the TPP and RCEP embody competing visions for how the Asia-Pacific trade system should evolve, and regional governments must now make choices over which initiative better serves their economic and political interests. This article explores the trade policy choice posed by these mega-regional trade negotiations, reviewing the evolution of the Asia-Pacific trade system, the recent emergence of the TPP and RCEP, and the competitive dynamics inherent in the development of the two proposals. It argues that four key considerations (trade policy ambition, the role of ASEAN, US-China geopolitical rivalry and defensive concerns) will be of key importance in informing regional governments’ decisions as the TPP and RCEP move towards completion in 2015. 相似文献
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Although empirical research has generally demonstrated that democracies experience more terrorism than autocracies, research suggests that this depends upon complex institutional differences that go beyond the democracy‐autocracy divide. This study examines these differences, linking institutions to strategies of coercion and co‐optation. Using zero‐inflated negative binomial regression estimations on Geddes’ (2003) autocratic regime‐type data for 161 countries between 1970 and 2006, we find that single‐party authoritarian regimes consistently experience less domestic and international terrorism relative to military autocracies and democracies. This finding is robust to a large number of specifications, underscoring the explanatory power of regime type for predicting terrorism. Our explanation for these findings is that party‐based autocracies have a wider range of coercion and co‐option strategies that they can employ to address grievance and dissent than do other, more strategically restricted, regimes. 相似文献
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V. Seymour Wilson 《国际公共行政管理杂志》2013,36(9):1509-1553
The “new managerialism” is becoming the new ortodoxy in public administration. It has challenged the classic assumptions about the nature of bureaucracy in democratic countries. However, it has not implied a great deal of serious debate. In Canada, it is challenging the model of constitutional bureaucracy around which public administration has been organized. Such a model involves two main principles: the ministerial Department and a neutral career public service. The former has meant that power flow in downward and responsibility and accountability upward (to the elected state authorities). The latter that, among other things, officials enjoy security of tenure in exchange for their willingness to serve governments of all partisan affiliations with equal loyalty and effectiveness. The new managerialism challenges both principles since it proposes to diffuse authority both horizontally and vertically, make accountabi1;ty run downward to “clients” and be more capable to substitute personell according to the needs of the moment. Since the new managerialism involves serious risks, the author ends up asking whether these two contending paradigms can or should be reconcilied, and warning not to overlook the past histories of Canadian and Western administrative and political institutions. 相似文献
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Using a sample of full-time employees of a public sector organisation in South Korea, this study examines whether transformational leadership (TL) has a significant positive effect on affective commitment (AC) and organisational citizenship behavior (OCB), and whether AC is positively related to OCB. The study also examines whether AC mediates the effects of TL on OCB. The results of higher-order structural equation modeling indicate a positive relationship between TL and AC; no significant relationship between TL and OCB; and a significant positive relationship between AC and OCB. Thus, the results clearly demonstrate that AC fully mediates the relationship between TL and OCB. Theoretical and practical implications of these findings are discussed, and proposals for future research are made. 相似文献
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David Wilson 《Democratization》2013,20(1):90-115
The traditional debate about local government and local democracy has focused almost exclusively upon elected local authorities. The advent of local governance (the division of decision‐making authority and service provision between local authorities and a range of non‐elected organizations) necessitates a move away from this obsession with elections. It requires an evaluation of the diversity of local organizations; the elected element is but one part of a complex mosaic of bodies operating locally. Partnerships, networks and contracts have become integral features of the local political scene. Studies of local democracy can no longer simply dismiss the non‐elected elements as non‐democratic and unaccountable; their diverse patterns of accountability require scrutiny not blanket dismissal. This article explores contemporary local democracy in Britain and argues that the complexities of governance necessitate a re‐casting of British local democracy and its limits. 相似文献