全文获取类型
收费全文 | 643篇 |
免费 | 0篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 2篇 |
工人农民 | 17篇 |
世界政治 | 2篇 |
外交国际关系 | 450篇 |
法律 | 171篇 |
政治理论 | 1篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 2篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 2篇 |
2014年 | 39篇 |
2013年 | 52篇 |
2012年 | 56篇 |
2011年 | 77篇 |
2010年 | 58篇 |
2009年 | 68篇 |
2008年 | 41篇 |
2007年 | 39篇 |
2006年 | 37篇 |
2005年 | 38篇 |
2004年 | 42篇 |
2003年 | 43篇 |
2002年 | 36篇 |
2001年 | 1篇 |
2000年 | 1篇 |
1999年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1980年 | 1篇 |
1979年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有643条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
291.
292.
Colin Dueck Author Vitae 《Orbis》2006,50(2):223-241
In the ongoing debates on how to manage relations with rogue states such as North Korea and Iran, the opposing policies of both hawks and doves are unrealistic in their pure forms. Throughout American history, presidents have faced the same choices the Bush administration now has when dealing with adversaries abroad: appeasement, engagement, containment, rollback, and non-entanglement. Each of these five basic strategic alternatives has potential advantages and risks. In analyzing how these have applied to U.S. relations with Iraq, North Korea, and Iran—the so-called axis of evil—it becomes clear that rollback and appeasement are the riskiest options and containment the most promising. Elements of diplomacy, however, can be used in conjunction with a primary policy of containment to head off threats from rogue states. 相似文献
293.
America's instruments of foreign policy are weak. As a result, Washington depends much more on its military power than it should. The militarization of foreign policy is neither good for American interests nor sustainable, since many political, economic, and ideological outcomes are not attainable through the use of military force. Yet ongoing discussions about America's non- military power miss one important factor: in virtually every theater of the world, local, regional, and strategic competitions affect America's ability to exert influence through its aid and diplomacy. From Pakistan to the Middle East to Africa, ideas about how to develop economies, shape educational systems, administer health care programs, and build political institutions, are contested. Until the competitive nature of aid and diplomacy is deliberately and explicitly considered, Washington's ability to achieve outcomes using its non-military power—often called “soft” or “smart power”—will remain fundamentally limited. 相似文献
294.
The Internet of Things, an emerging global Internet-based technical architecture facilitating the exchange of goods and services in global supply chain networks has an impact on the security and privacy of the involved stakeholders. Measures ensuring the architecture's resilience to attacks, data authentication, access control and client privacy need to be established. An adequate legal framework must take the underlying technology into account and would best be established by an international legislator, which is supplemented by the private sector according to specific needs and thereby becomes easily adjustable. The contents of the respective legislation must encompass the right to information, provisions prohibiting or restricting the use of mechanisms of the Internet of Things, rules on IT-security-legislation, provisions supporting the use of mechanisms of the Internet of Things and the establishment of a task force doing research on the legal challenges of the IoT. 相似文献
295.
Evelyne Baillergeau Christine Schaut 《European Journal on Criminal Policy and Research》2001,9(4):427-446
Over the past years security has become a central issue in political discussions both in the Netherlands and Belgium. This has led to the setting of new governmental schemes in urban areas that rely upon the commitment of social workers to a large extent. Besides that, a number of new professions linked to social intervention have appeared. The purpose of this article is to analyse the emergence of security as an issue and the effects of the new governmental schemes in the field of social work, and to compare the political and social backgrounds, how security is dealt with and the effects on social work in Belgium and the Netherlands. The general assumption is that the practice of social professions tends to a new balance between change and control, the two usual poles of social work, at the expense of emancipatory practices towards marginalised people. In other words, it is wondered whether the action of social workers is to put in place a system of control and risk prevention as a mix of social work and people policing. The article shows that the development in this direction in the two countries is similar, in spite of significant background differences. 相似文献
296.
Purpose
Research has revealed that school-based activities are related to youth violence at school; however, the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity in this relationship remains uncertain.Methods
This study utilizes data from the Education Longitudinal Study of 2002 and incorporates multilevel modeling techniques to examine the intersectionality of gender, race, and ethnicity in the relationship between school-based activities and youth victimization at school.Results
Racial and ethnic minority male involvement in school sports is linked to an increase in school-based victimization, while White American male involvement in school sports is associated with a decrease in school-based victimization. On the other hand, school sports appears to be an insulating factor against victimization for girls regardless of their race or ethnicity.Conclusions
This research underscores the importance of understanding the intersection of gender, race, and ethnicity when examining youth violence. 相似文献297.
Joshua C. CochranAuthor Vitae 《Journal of criminal justice》2012,40(5):433
Purpose
Prior theory and research suggest that inmate visitation can reduce misconduct in prison. However, prior studies have not accounted for the longitudinal and heterogeneous nature of these experiences. This paper addresses this research gap by examining variation in visitation experiences and the relationship between patterns of visitation and misconduct.Methods
Using a cohort of offenders incarcerated in Florida between 2000 and 2002, group-based trajectory model analyses were used to identify groups of inmates based on their visitation and misconduct patterns. Dual trajectory analysis was used to then assess the extent to which the development of visitation and misconduct patterns are interrelated.Results
Visitation, and more consistent visitation in particular, is associated with less prison misconduct.Conclusions
Visitation may reduce inmate misconduct. Implications for future research, theory, and policy are discussed. 相似文献298.
299.
The focus of this paper is on the class of robots for personal or domestic use, which are connected to a networked repository on the internet that allows such machines to share the information required for object recognition, navigation and task completion in the real world. The aim is to shed light on how these robots will challenge current rules on data protection and privacy. On one hand, a new generation of network-centric applications could in fact collect data incessantly and in ways that are “out of control,” because such machines are increasingly “autonomous.” On the other hand, it is likely that individual interaction with personal machines, domestic robots, and so forth, will also affect what U.S. common lawyers sum up with the Katz's test as a reasonable “expectation of privacy.” Whilst lawyers continue to liken people's responsibility for the behaviour of robots to the traditional liability for harm provoked by animals, children, or employees, attention should be drawn to the different ways in which humans will treat, train, or manage their robots-in-the-cloud, and how the human–robot interaction may affect the multiple types of information that are appropriate to reveal, share, or transfer, in a given context. 相似文献
300.
Are Americans becoming more “isolationist”? Four years ago, for the first time since the Vietnam War, almost half of those polled by the Pew Research Center stated they would rather the United States “mind [its] own business internationally and let other countries get along the best they can on their own” and work to “reduce military commitments overseas” in order to decrease the deficit. Such cautious views about American involvement abroad are on the rise, up ten percentage points over the past decade, according to Pew polls released in 2011 and 2012. A majority of Americans think the United States is withdrawing from Afghanistan too slowly and are reticent to take direct action in Syria. This article explains the long historical context of these recent events to argue for the enduring power and significance of isolationist thought. 相似文献