全文获取类型
收费全文 | 8322篇 |
免费 | 286篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 605篇 |
工人农民 | 265篇 |
世界政治 | 642篇 |
外交国际关系 | 322篇 |
法律 | 4866篇 |
中国共产党 | 8篇 |
中国政治 | 43篇 |
政治理论 | 1804篇 |
综合类 | 53篇 |
出版年
2021年 | 50篇 |
2020年 | 127篇 |
2019年 | 147篇 |
2018年 | 239篇 |
2017年 | 249篇 |
2016年 | 281篇 |
2015年 | 237篇 |
2014年 | 184篇 |
2013年 | 1002篇 |
2012年 | 248篇 |
2011年 | 229篇 |
2010年 | 229篇 |
2009年 | 231篇 |
2008年 | 297篇 |
2007年 | 341篇 |
2006年 | 322篇 |
2005年 | 247篇 |
2004年 | 257篇 |
2003年 | 215篇 |
2002年 | 220篇 |
2001年 | 246篇 |
2000年 | 253篇 |
1999年 | 174篇 |
1998年 | 100篇 |
1997年 | 87篇 |
1996年 | 73篇 |
1995年 | 80篇 |
1994年 | 79篇 |
1993年 | 62篇 |
1992年 | 112篇 |
1991年 | 113篇 |
1990年 | 135篇 |
1989年 | 107篇 |
1988年 | 107篇 |
1987年 | 109篇 |
1986年 | 126篇 |
1985年 | 132篇 |
1984年 | 88篇 |
1983年 | 96篇 |
1982年 | 73篇 |
1981年 | 71篇 |
1980年 | 49篇 |
1979年 | 67篇 |
1978年 | 70篇 |
1975年 | 53篇 |
1974年 | 67篇 |
1973年 | 60篇 |
1972年 | 48篇 |
1970年 | 43篇 |
1969年 | 48篇 |
排序方式: 共有8608条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
131.
Trisha R. Miller Paul J. Handal Frank H. Gilner John F. Cross 《Journal of family violence》1991,6(4):351-363
A number of social and psychological factors present in most adolescent parents place them at high risk for abusive behavior toward their children. However, current child abuse potential measures do not include adolescent samples as part of the psychometric data base. Consequently, the purpose of this study was twofold: (1) to investigate whether a Black adolescent sample would perform differently than an adult nonabusing sample on the Child Abuse Potential Inventory (CAP), and (2) to examine the relationship between history of abuse or witnessing violence to scores on the CAP. Results revealed that Black adolescents scored significantly higher than the adult normative sample on the CAP; consequently, cutoff scores need to be empirically established for adolescents. Additional analyses indicated that a history of abuse, as well as a history of witnessing violence, are associated with a high potential for abuse. 相似文献
132.
Attitudes of Canadians toward affirmative action: Opposition,value pluralism,and nonattitudes 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Set against a backdrop of current public policy and case law, this study investigates Canadian attitudes toward affirmative action among both citizens and decision makers. We find low levels of support for such programs across a variety of contexts and intended beneficiaries, but we also discover that opinion on both sides of the issue is rather soft, for large portions of those taking positions on the matter are willing to reconsider their views when prompted. We interpret this finding as an indication of what Philip Converse has called nonattitudes. Thus, a substantial portion of Canadians appear to hold no genuine attitudes on the question of affirmative action and are relatively open to persuasion. In contrast, the preferences of those with stable attitudes are rooted in the tradeoff between values of equality and merit. Implications for policy activists in this issue area are discussed.The research reported here is part of a large project supported by the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council (Grant No. 411-85-001). The Centre of Criminology at the University of Toronto has provided a home, and indispensable support, for the Charter Project. This research was also facilitated by a contribution from the Solicitor General of Canada to the Centre of Criminology, University of Toronto. Our thanks also go to Robert Vipond for his help in clarifying our concepts. 相似文献
133.
Martin Rein 《Policy Sciences》1982,14(2):117-135
The welfare state concept hides an important aspect of modern industrial societies. In capitalist countries welfare is provided through a mixture of public and private initiatives. The author suggests that the concept welfare economy more fully captures the economic interpenetration of public and private sectors. The growth of fringe benefits illustrates the extent to which private enterprise performs the welfare function.Government increasingly intervenes through processes of mandating, stimulating, regulating, and supporting, using private enterprise as the vehicle for delivery of welfare services. Government's traditionally conceived role as welfare service provider is also changed through recognition that it is both an employer and purchaser, significantly impacting society's original income distribution.An earlier version of this essay was presented as a lecture at the University of Melbourne and published in Ronald F. Henderson, The Welfare Stakes: Strategies for Australian Social Policy, Melbourne: Institute of Applied Economics and Social Research, 1981. 相似文献
134.
135.
Skull identification by electronic photo-composition can, with the help of a video-animation compositor, be further developed beyond the pure superprojection technique into an animated picture difference image. The employment of this combined technique to be recommended on account of the improved possibilities of control to be realized in the congruity of the superprojection composite picture. 相似文献
136.
The photographic identification of a skull through the well-known superprojection technique can be modified and decisively improved by the use of a video-tape system. The identification method based on electronic photo composition is methodically simple to use. It offers the examiner the possibility to recognize the relationship between bone and soft part proportions, and the structure of the bone surface and the details of the soft part shape, as a concrete, tangible characteristic of identity to a substantially greater extent. The large number of controllable characteristics inherent in the ihgh degree of individuality of the skull offers not just an either/or "The skull fits"/ "It does not fit" into a photograph, but achieves proof of disproof of identity. 相似文献
137.
138.
139.
140.
This article explains political radicalism by the number of voters who are biased towards a party. With little voters biased in favor of a party, this party has to rely more heavily on its programmatic distance to other parties. Because large parties – i.e.: parties with a high number of biased voters – gain votes when they move to the center of the political spectrum, parties with a lower number of voters that are biased in their favor are forced to the edges of the policy space. We draw on a computational model of political competition between four parties in a two‐dimensional policy space to investigate this relationship. We use panel corrected OLS estimates to analyze the data generated by the computer simulation. Our results substantiate the hypothesis of a negative relationship between the number of biased voters and the inclination of a party to adopt a more extreme policy stance. 相似文献