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131.
132.
Sophia K. Chiu M.D. M.P.H. Jessica F. Li M.S.P.H. Kurt B. Nolte M.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1324-1327
Recent increases in deaths in the United States from synthetic opioids such as fentanyl and fentanyl analogues (fentanyls) have raised concerns about possible occupational exposures to these potent agents. Medicolegal death investigators and autopsy suite staff might perform job tasks involving exposure to fentanyls. The potential for exposure to fentanyls among medicolegal death investigators and autopsy technicians at a state medical examiner's office was evaluated through review of caseload characteristics, injury and illness logs, and procedures and policies and discussions with management and employee representatives. The evaluation showed that this medical examiner's office had low potential for work-related exposure to fentanyls; its standard operating procedures and personal protective equipment requirements should reduce the potential for occupational exposure. Medicolegal death investigation agencies can develop and implement guidance to control exposures and provide workforce education and training to reduce the potential for work-related exposure to fentanyls. 相似文献
133.
Self-determination theory emphasizes the importance of school-based autonomy and belongingness to academic achievement and psychological adjustment,
and the theory posits a model in which engagement in school mediates the influence of autonomy and belongingness on these
outcomes. To date, this model has only been evaluated on academic outcomes. Utilizing short-term longitudinal data (5-month
timeframe) from a set of secondary schools in the rural Midwest (N = 283, M age = 15.3, 51.9% male, 86.2% White), we extend the model to include a measure of positive adjustment (i.e., hope). We also
find a direct link between peer-related belongingness (i.e., peer support) and positive adjustment that is not mediated by
engagement in school. A reciprocal relationship between academic autonomy, teacher-related belongingness (i.e., teacher support)
and engagement in learning is supported, but this reciprocal relationship does not extend to peer-related belongingness. The
implications of these findings for secondary schools are discussed.
相似文献
Mark J. Van RyzinEmail: |
134.
Sharon F. Lambert Keith C. Herman Mia Smith Bynum Nicholas S. Ialongo 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2009,38(4):519-531
Experiences with racism are a common occurrence for African American youth and may result in negative self perceptions relevant
for the experience of depressive symptoms. This study examined the longitudinal association between perceptions of racism
and depressive symptoms, and whether perceived academic or social control mediated this association, in a community epidemiologically-defined
sample of urban African American adolescents (N = 500; 46.4% female). Structural equation modeling revealed that experiences with racism were associated with low perceived
academic control, which in turn was associated with increased depressive symptoms. Findings suggest that experiences with
racism can have long lasting effects for African American youth’s depressive symptoms, and highlight the detrimental effects
of experiences with racism for perceptions of control in the academic domain. Implications for intervention are discussed.
相似文献
Sharon F. LambertEmail: |
135.
Stefaan Walgrave Julie Sevenans Kirsten Van Camp Peter Loewen 《Political Behavior》2018,40(3):547-569
What politicians devote attention to, is an important question as political attention is a precondition of policy change. We use an experimental design to study politicians’ attention to incoming information and deploy it among large samples of elected politicians in three countries: Belgium, Canada, and Israel. Our sample includes party leaders, ministers and regular members of parliament. These elites were confronted with short bits of summary information framed in various ways and were then asked how likely it was that they would read the full information. We test for three frames: conflict, political conflict, and responsibility. We find that framing moderates the effect of messages on politicians’ attention to information. Politicians react more strongly (i.e., they devote more attention) to political conflict frames than to non-political conflict frames and they react stronger to political responsibility attributions than to non-political responsibility attributions. Conflict frames attract more attention than consensus frames only from members of opposition parties. Political conflict frames attract more attention from government party politicians. These effects occur largely across issues and across the three countries. 相似文献
136.
This essay reviews David Pyrooz and James Densley’s “On Public Protest, Violence, and Street Gangs” and raises new questions about the ways in which Antifa is similar to and different from social movements; the processes by which “factions within Antifa” become gangs; and the dynamic nature of relationships and interactions between and among violent and non-violent segments. It concludes with a note about the everchanging nature of social life and importance of flexibility in the design and execution of research in capturing this reality. 相似文献
137.
Attitudes towards highly skilled and low‐skilled immigration in Europe: A survey experiment in 15 European countries 下载免费PDF全文
ELIAS NAUMANN LUKAS F. STOETZER GIUSEPPE PIETRANTUONO 《European Journal of Political Research》2018,57(4):1009-1030
To what extent do economic concerns drive anti‐migrant attitudes? Key theoretical arguments extract two central motives: increased labour market competition and the fiscal burden linked to the influx of migrants. This article provides new evidence regarding the impact of material self‐interest on attitudes towards immigrants. It reports the results of a survey experiment embedded in representative surveys in 15 European countries before and after the European refugee crisis in 2014. As anticipated by the fiscal burden argument, it is found that rich natives prefer highly skilled over low‐skilled migration more than low‐income respondents do. Moreover, the study shows that these tax concerns among the wealthy are stronger if fiscal exposure to migration is high. No support is found for the labour market competition argument predicting that natives will be most opposed to migrants with similar skills. The results suggest that highly skilled migrants are preferred over low‐skilled migrants irrespective of natives’ skill levels. 相似文献
138.
139.
Caspar F. van den Berg 《Policy Sciences》2017,50(1):63-84
Although the literature on policy advisory systems has experienced a revival in recent years, its empirical focus has mainly been on Anglophone countries (Craft and Halligan 2016). This paper applies the policy advisory systems approach to the Netherlands, which can serve as an example of the dynamics in the policy advisory systems of consensus-driven, neo-corporatist polities Lijphart in Patterns of Democracy: Government Forms and Performance in Thirty-Six Countries, 21, 235–266 1999). Using a historical-institutionalist perspective, the dynamics of the Dutch policy advisory system from the mid-1960s to the present day are examined. Based on original cross-time survey data and an analysis of secondary sources, the impact of depillarization (mid-1960s–mid-1990s), new public management (mid-1980s onwards) and an increased pressure on the executive have had for the Dutch policy advisory system (from the late 1990s): fragmentation, externalization and a non-partisan brand of politicization are shown. More specifically, the use of the institutionalized system of permanent advisory councils has lost part of its significance in favour of both external consultants and ad hoc advisory committees. The Dutch case, with its accumulative institutional design based on Weberianism, neo-corporatism and new public management elements, has thus experienced markedly different dynamics in its policy advice system than the Anglophone countries. 相似文献
140.
As regions become more institutionalized, they are characterized by two competing trends. First, key regional institutions can become hub institutions that act as transmitters of a comprehensive set of norms. Second, as regional institutions increase in number, regions themselves are liable to become more fragmented. How these trends have played out is explored in two key regions, the Americas and the Asia-Pacific. It is concluded that regions are not static entities but are ever-changing structural arrangements. Hub institutions can be challenged and the consequences can be significant as regions gain in importance on the international stage. 相似文献