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311.
当前人工智能研究的整体谱系中,关乎价值传播的理论视域仍处于相对缺失的状态。而不可忽视的现实是,智能媒体的勃兴对当代人的知识结构、价值理念与行动规范的塑造已初见端倪。智能媒体建构的新的传播环境将成为凝聚社会价值共识的现实场域,目前面临一系列现实挑战:智能媒体的"致瘾"机制遮蔽了用户的主体意识与思维能力;沉浸式视觉文化消费磨损理性认知与价值判断能力;"流量经济"的推动加剧了互联网泛娱乐化倾向;算法推荐营造的"信息孤岛"催生了网络共同体。为有效应对智媒时代的诸多挑战,未来需要在夯实现实基础、重构媒介环境、规范内容导向、增进技术赋魅等方面构建新时代社会主义价值共识的实现路径。  相似文献   
312.
ABSTRACT

We examined the associations between childhood sexual abuse (CSA), childhood physical abuse (CPA), sexual domain variables, antisocial tendencies, and sexually coercive behaviour in a non-forensic sample of 173 heterosexual men. CSA was associated with paraphilic interests and experiences, a more extensive sexual life history, and early antisocial tendencies. CPA was associated with paraphilic interests and experiences, more self-reported delinquency, higher sensation seeking, and early antisocial tendencies. Sexual domain variables (e.g. number of sexual partners, sexual interest in sadomasochism) mediated the link between CSA and sexually coercive behaviour, but antisocial domain variables (e.g. delinquency, sensation seeking) did not. Of the two sexual domains examined, extensive sexual life history rather than paraphilias mediated the association between CSA and sexually coercive behaviour. These results suggest CSA and CPA are associated with both sexual and antisocial outcomes, and that, for some victims of CSA, having an extensive sexual life history may account for the association between CSA and sexually coercive behaviour later in life.  相似文献   
313.
EU issue voting in European Parliament elections has been shown to be highly conditional upon levels of EU politicization. The present study analyzes this conditionality over time, hypothesizing that the effect of EU attitudes on EP vote preferences is catalyzed as EP elections draw closer. In contrast to extant cross-sectional post-election studies, we use a four-wave panel study covering the six months leading up to the Dutch EP elections of 2014, differentiating between party groups (pro, anti, mixed) and five EU attitude dimensions. We find that EU issue voting occurs for both anti- and pro-EU parties, but only increases for the latter. For mixed parties we find no effect of EU attitudes, yet their support base shifts in the anti-EU direction as the elections draw closer. The overarching image, however, is one of surprising stability: EU attitudes form a consistent part of EP voting motivations even outside EP election times.  相似文献   
314.
How does media exposure affect political engagement in newly liberalized systems? Some celebrate newly vibrant and diverse media, believing that they mobilize citizens. Others worry that these outlets, which are often partisan, dampen engagement. We theorize that exposure to political programming engenders interest in politics irrespective of program bias, but that interest does not necessarily beget action. Partisan media affect participation only when altering attitude strength, and thus motivations. To evaluate media effects on interest and participation, we conducted a field experiment in Ghana, in which subjects in tro-tros (commuter vans) were randomly exposed to different types of live talk radio. We find that partisan and nonpartisan media increased political interest, but not participation. Instead, exposure to alternate perspectives on cross-cutting media (i.e., those biased against subjects’ partisan preferences) heightened ambivalence and dampened participation, measured as signing a petition to parties. Partisan media simultaneously increased interest and decreased participation.  相似文献   
315.
Relative to chronic hunger, seasonal hunger in rural and urban areas of Africa is poorly understood. This paper examines the extent and potential correlates of seasonal hunger in Malawi using panel data from 2011–2013. We find that both urban and rural households report seasonal hunger in the pre-harvest months. Certain strategies to smooth consumption, including crop storage and livestock ownership, are associated with fewer months of hunger. In addition, we find that Malawian households that experience seasonal hunger harvest their crops earlier than average – a short-term coping mechanism that can reduce the crop’s yield and nutritional value, possibly perpetuating hunger.  相似文献   
316.
317.
新安江是习近平总书记亲自倡导和推动的全国首个跨省流域生态补偿机制的先行探索地,也是习近平生态文明思想的重要实践地。新安江生态补偿机制试点实施以来,经过八年多的艰苦摸索,形成了可复制、可推广的“新安江模式”,目前已经在全国多个流域得以推广,标志着皖浙两省在生态补偿机制改革中取得了成功经验,用实践生动展示了习近平生态文明思想。本文从全国第一个跨省流域的生态保护补偿试点着手,总结“新安江模式”的建构过程与巨大成效,分析“新安江模式”的成功经验与内在逻辑,阐明“新安江模式”的现实问题与对策思考,以进一步深入学习贯彻落实习近平生态文明思想,推动美丽中国建设。  相似文献   
318.
Research has shown that legal cynicism is pervasive among residents of poor, black neighborhoods. However, controlling for crime rates, these residents call police at higher rates than whites and residents of middle‐class neighborhoods, and ethnographic research suggests that mothers in particular sometimes exact social control over partners and children through police notification. Given these findings, how might researchers better understand how legal cynicism and occasional reliance on police fit together? Drawing on interviews with poor African‐American mothers in Washington, DC, this article develops an alternative conception of cultural orientations about law: situational trust. This concept emphasizes micro‐level dynamism in cultural conceptions of the police, expanding the literature on police trust by emphasizing situational contingency. Mothers deploy at least four alternative strategies that produce moments of trust: officer exceptionalism, domain specificity, therapeutic consequences, and institutional navigation. These strategies shed light on the contextual meanings of safety and legitimacy.  相似文献   
319.
马克思从来都不是孤立、抽象地论述法律、法治的作用,而是运用历史唯物主义原理和辩证思维方法,将法律、法治与自由、民主、人权及经济发展等结合在一起考察,客观揭示了法律、法治的内在发展规律。在当代中国,全面贯彻党的十八届四中全会精神需要我们认真研究掌握马克思主义法治思想。  相似文献   
320.
Since its beginnings, zoning has been at its core a tool for achieving exclusionary objectives. Judge Westenhaver, who wrote the lower court decision in Ambler Realty Co. u. Village of Euclid, 297 Fed. 307, 316 (N.D. Ohio 1924) invalidating the village's zoning ordinance, observed that its purpose “is really to regulate the mode of Living of persons who may here-after inhabit [the village]. In the last analysis, the result to be accomplished is to classify the population and segregate them according to their income or station in life.” In reversing his decision, Justice Sutherland classified apartments as “mere parasites … which would deprive children of the privilege of quiet and open spaces for play, enjoyed by those in more favored localities,” In effect, he held that the state's police power could be used to create different levels of health, safety and genera1 welfare for different classes of people. One level was adequate for the poor and another level could be enforced at the behest of the rich who could afford to buy homes in single-family, low-density districts. Even Justice Douglas, a most unlikely bedmate for Justice Sutherland, reflected the same attitude when he wrote recently.  相似文献   
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