ABSTRACTIslamophobic mobilization has become a crucial aspect of right-wing populist mobilization. Hafez’s article focuses on the case of the Visegrád Four countries: Poland, Czech Republic, Slovakia and Hungary. Based on reportedly widespread hostility against Muslims among the population in this region, one would assume a large potential for street-level activism analogous to the German Pegida. Yet, attempts to organize grassroots Islamophobic movements have not been particularly successful in the Visegrád Four. Using social movement theory, Hafez explains this by the fact that the issue of Muslim migration has been appropriated by the ruling parties, leaving little opportunity for independent grassroots mobilization. 相似文献
The ink of pens and ink extracted from lines on white photocopier paper of 10 blue ballpoint pens were subjected to ultraviolet-visible (UV-Vis) spectroscopy, infrared (IR), and high-performance thin-layer liquid chromatography (HPTLC). The R(f) values and color tones of the bands separated by thin-layer chromatography (TLC) analysis used to classify the writing inks into three groups. The principal component analysis (PCA) investigates the pen responsible for a piece of writing, and how time affects spectroscopy of written ink. PCA can differentiate between pen ink and ink line indicates the influence of solvent extraction process on the results. The PCA loadings are useful in individualization of a questioned ink from a database. The PCA of ink lines extracted at different times can be used to estimate the time at which a questioned document was written. The results proved that the UV-Vis spectra are effective tool to separate blue ballpoint pen ink in most cases rather than IR and HPTLC. 相似文献
Mitral valve prolapse syndrome (MVPS) is a relatively common disorder of the mitral valve and most cases take a benign clinical course. Only a subset of patients develop severe clinical symptoms such as arrhythmia, insufficiency of the mitral valve or infective endocarditis. As a consequence, sudden death might occur in these patients, thought to be caused by an arrhythmogenic event. By presenting six cases of sudden unexpected death in young female adults, we point at clinical and pathological data from the literature, which are of interest from the viewpoint of legal medicine. The incidence of MVPS in autopsy series has been reported to be about 4-5%, while clinical data hint at an incidence of about 2.5%. The presented cases suggest that even clinically benign cases of MVPS in young adults might result in sudden unexpected death. Such cases are not included in hospital based studies on the topic. This might lead to an underestimation of the fatal risk associated with the disease, even if sudden death might be a rare event in MVPS. 相似文献
The New South Wales State Government announced its local government strategic reform programme Fit for the Future in 2014. At the centre of the plan was the desire to reduce the number of local government areas. Opponents mobilised various resistance strategies to challenge amalgamation. However, the initial efforts to resist amalgamation failed but opponents got success in opposing amalgamation via the legal system. As such, the New South Wales State Government was forced to abandon its plans to amalgamate some regional and metropolitan councils in response to community opposition and resistance. Despite a growing body of existing literature, to date, the analyses of local government reform fail to examine the rationale and strategies of community opposition. To examine the public participation, community opposition, and resistance, this paper draws on the research that pertains to the proposed merger of the Ryde, Lane Cove, and Hunters Hill councils. 相似文献
While the moniker non-governmental organization (NGO) connotes distance from the state, it is widely recognized that civil society in a range of political contexts is in fact characterized by close ties across the public-private divide. Scholars of Chinese social organizations have noted that proximity between the state and NGOs is even more pronounced in the context of China. What is less clear is why this is so. Why do grassroots NGOs overwhelmingly pursue engagement with the state? This paper presents findings that enumerate a number of motivating forces that drive state-NGO collaboration, particularly with respect to small, grassroots NGOs that do not have preexisting ties to elites or to the state. Most notable among these is that NGOs seek engagement with state agencies primarily in order to secure public trust. Public trust is found to be key to the ability of such groups to run programs, mobilize citizens or raise funds. These findings therefore have implications for how we understand the critical role of public support and legitimation—in addition to state control—in the enabling of civil society under authoritarianism.