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11.
Richard E. Mattson Timothy J. O’Farrell Candice M. Monson Jillian Panuzio Casey T. Taft 《Journal of family violence》2010,25(1):33-42
This study examined whether female-to-male (FTM) psychological aggression predicted men’s relapse of substance use disorder
(SUD) 6 months following substance use treatment. Men diagnosed with either a substance abuse or dependence disorder who had
recently begun an SUD treatment program participated in the study with their female relationship partners (N = 173). Logistic regression was used to examine the relationship between baseline FTM psychological aggression and SUD relapse
when controlling for baseline demographic, dyadic, substance abuse- and treatment-related variables, as well as frequencies
of other male- and female-perpetrated aggressive dyadic behaviors. Higher frequencies of severe, but not minor, forms of FTM
psychological aggression uniquely predicted an increased risk of relapse at 6 months follow-up. These data add to the developing
research program highlighting the negative sequelae of female-perpetrated psychological aggression and also provide an empirical
basis for targeting specific dyadic behaviors in the context of SUD treatment and relapse prevention. 相似文献
12.
Legislative recruitment to upper houses: The Australian senate and house of representatives compared
Although a majority of liberal democracies are bicameral, only four – Australia, the United States, Germany and Switzerland – have upper houses which have any significant legislative authority. However, it is unclear to what extent upper house members differ – in their backgrounds and beliefs – from their lower house counterparts. This article applies multivariate methods to survey data collected among 1993 Australian federal election candidates to examine patterns of legislative recruitment and political attitudes among Australian Senate and House of Representatives candidates. The results show that Senate candidates differ significantly in their personal : and political backgrounds when compared to House of Representatives candidates, although there are few, if any, differences in political views. The findings confirm the strong discipline that the major parties exercise over the Senate, particularly by selecting candidates who are more party – oriented than their lower house counterparts. This is anomalous given that the original purpose of the upper house was to defend the interests of the smaller states and territories. Finally, the article discusses the implications of this increasing partisan control of upper houses for responsible party government. 相似文献
13.
Daniel M. Farrell 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2013,7(3):571-585
Imagine someone who deliberately provokes someone else into attacking him so that he can harm that person in defending himself against her attack and then claim “self-defense” when brought to court to defend himself for what he has done to her. Should he be allowed to use this defense, even though it’s clear that he has deliberately manipulated his attacker into attacking him precisely in order to be able to harm her with impunity (assuming he were allowed to use the defense and thus escape legal penalties)? This question is the focal point in the paper that follows. I argue first that the case described above is indeed an instance of an “actio libera in causa,” albeit arguably one at the margins of this controversial class of cases. Then, using a view about the justification of self-defense that I have defended elsewhere, I show why I believe that, while the manipulator should not be deprived of the legal right to defend his self-defensive actions in such cases by claiming they were a legitimate matter of self-defense, there is good reason to enact laws that will allow him to be prosecuted, independently of his “self-defense” defense, for manipulating his attacker as he did, thus allowing him to harm her in self-defense and then defend his actions as purely a matter of “self-defense.” 相似文献
14.
Theo Farrell Author VitaeAuthor Vitae 《Orbis》2009,53(4):665-683
This article assesses the British military effort in Afghanistan looking at three key elements in the campaign: strategy, military operations, and the inter-agency “Comprehensive Approach.” We start by recognising the scale of the challenge that has faced the British: of all the provinces in Afghanistan, Helmand is the toughest to stabilize and secure. We then examine the evolution of all three elements above and find significant improvements in each: a flawed strategy has been corrected; the military have received more resources and become significantly better at COIN; and there is significant progress in the development of the inter-agency approach. In short, what the Americans will find in Helmand is a British COIN machine; a little creaky perhaps, but one that is fit for purpose and getting the job done. We briefly conclude on the prospects and the key to success: namely the development of a more coherent international strategy that accommodates the challenges posed by both Afghanistan and Pakistan. 相似文献
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There is good reason to believe that blogs are changing politics, but we don’t know exactly how. Nor do we know whether the normative consequences of blogs for politics are likely to be good or bad. In this special issue, we and our co-authors undertake the first sustained effort to map the empirical and normative consequences of blogs for politics. We begin by setting out basic information about blogs, and some anecdotal evidence suggesting that they are indeed politically important. We go on to identify the key empirical and normative questions that blogs raise, and discuss the dearth of relevant data in the existing literature. We conclude by summarizing how the authors of the articles gathered in this special issue help fill this gap. 相似文献