<正>The concept of the"Four Comprehensives"—an ideological framework that should guide the next steps of reforming Chinese economy and institutions—goes beyond political discourse.These new guiding mottos summarize a commitment to deepening the ongoing process of transformation carried on in the country Economic transformation The Chinese economy and its institutions are undergoing large-scale reforms aimed at creating a new development model,which shall be increasingly based on domestic consumption and innovation,instead of its past reliance on exports and huge investment in infrastructure.One of the most significant impacts of these changes will be the expansion of the already booming middle class in China,whose consumption will demand higher diversification and quality standards not only from the private sector,but from public services as well.Major Chinese companies must also shift their focus to internal consumers,while reducing their dependence on foreign markets.Some of these companies have already engaged in this change,embracing new technologies of production and moving to higher 相似文献
The article shows how and why, after having agreed upon a programme for democracy assistance under the name of European Initiative for Democracy and Human Rights (EIDHR), the EU fell short of its original objectives in programme implementation. This is demonstrated by close analysis of microprojects in Mediterranean countries. The scope of EU action shrank as priorities for action were defined and projects approved. As a consequence, the EU has promoted democracy less than human rights, in relatively less demanding countries, and without spending all the budgeted money. This article shows how these findings are consistent with important themes in Policy analysis and implementation research, and thus supplements other explanations of EU shortcomings. EU democracy assistance, as represented by the EIDHR, is an ambiguous and contested policy, which also suffers from an institutional setting characterized by a long chain of command. This means that there are opportunities for small decisions to gradually shift the focus and downsize the relevance of the policy initiative. The EU is thus unintentionally undermining its own policy goals, as the large number of actors interpret the EU's best interest (and their own position in relation to it) in various and divergent ways. 相似文献
This article explores the nature and evolution of government-military relations in Chile since democratic restoration in 1990. Its highlights both the attempts by the Concertación governments to reinstate civilian control on the armed forces, as well as the mechanisms used by the military establishment to resist it. Special attention is given to two particular actors of the Chilean democratic transition who have played a critical role in the evolution of government-military relations in the post-authoritarian period: the civilian Right and the Judiciary. As this article aims to show, the strength of the Chilean right has constantly represented a formidable barrier for the Concertación governments in attempts to introduce the legal reforms required to re-establish civilian supremacy over the military. Furthermore, legal decisions adopted by the Chilean judiciary on human rights-related cases have also played a crucial role in the evolution of government-military relations during the past decade. 相似文献
Immunohistochemical detection of molecules involved in inflammatory reaction can be useful for the diagnosis of vitality in skin wounds. We studied the expression of fibronectin (FN) and tenascin (TN) in 58 human skin wounds (48 vital and 10 postmortem). The age of vital injuries ranged from 3 min to 8 h and postmortem specimens were collected after a postinfliction interval of 15-180 min. One hundred thirty-seven formalin-fixed paraffin-embedded sections (mean: 2.3 sections per case) were stained with each of two monoclonal antibodies against FN and TN using the streptABC technique. A reticular staining for FN in wound edge and dermis was observed in 50% of vital specimens versus 0% in postmortem cases. Immunoreactivity was reduced in 10 autolysed cases. FN positivity exclusively at the injury margin was observed in 39.4% of vital wounds and 10% of postmortem cases. TN was negative in all specimens. Vital and postmortem hemorrhage areas showed positivity for FN and TN. Due to its low sensitivity, immunohistochemical analysis of FN is useful for determining vitality only in a minority of cases. Different factors in everyday practice, including autolysis and technical problems often produce false negative reactions with the result that FN cannot be regarded as a reliable parameter of vitality. Positive reactions (network staining) are more valuable than negativity but are not pathognomonic. Both vital and postmortem hemorrhages show an enhanced positivity for FN and TN, thus impeding the diagnosis. 相似文献
This research investigates whether political, social and economic characteristics of local communities are related to data sharing between city departments and businesses and nonprofit organizations. Research about data sharing typically emphasizes managerial, organizational and technological factors in departments, largely neglecting community characteristics. The willingness to share data depends on the relationships between the government and external stakeholders, and these relationships are shaped by the political, social and economic characteristics of local communities. Using data from a 2016 survey of 2,500 department heads in 500 US cities with populations between 25,000 and 250,000, we find that data sharing increases in cities where communities are politically engaged, hold Democratic preferences, and there are higher rates of public sector employment and economic inequality. Data sharing is less likely to occur in communities with higher education and more nonprofit associations. 相似文献
This study explores the utility of a sociological model of social organization developed by Best and Luckenbill (1994) to classify the radicalization processes of terrorists (i.e., extremist perpetrators who engaged in ideologically motivated acts of violence) who are usually categorized as loner or lone wolf attackers. There are several organizational frameworks used to define or classify violent acts performed by individuals who may or may not have ties to extremist groups, but these studies largely ignore the role of social relationships in radicalization and the extent to which they inform our knowledge of terror. To address this gap, we apply the Best and Luckenbill model of social organization using a qualitative analysis of three case studies of four lone actor or small cell terrorists. The findings demonstrate lone actors are not always true loners in the context of radicalization, and highlights the ways that the Internet and social ties foster the radicalization processes of terror.
Purpose. We examined whether language proficiency had an impact on lie detection. Methods. We collected video footage of 30 targets who spoke English as their native or second language and who lied or told the truth about a transgression. Undergraduate students (N = 51) then judged the veracity of these 30 clips and indicated how confident they were in their ratings. Results. Participants were more confident when judging native‐language truth‐tellers than second‐language truth‐tellers. In addition, participants were more likely to exhibit a truth‐bias when observing native‐language speakers, whereas they were more likely to exhibit a lie‐bias when viewing second‐language speakers. Conclusions. Given the difficulties and biases associated with second‐language lie detection, further research is needed. 相似文献