Implementing Democratic Equality in Political Parties: Organisational Consequences in the Swedish and the German Pirate Parties

This article theorises and empirically assesses some important intra‐organisational implications of maximising democratic equality in political parties both between followers and members and between members and elites. They include weak member commitment, passivity of the rank‐and‐file membership and – depending on party structure – high levels of internal conflict. To substantiate the arguments, two parties that implement principles of democratic equality in their organisations are examined: the Swedish and German Pirate parties. These cases show, first, that while organisational structures implementing norms of equality allowed them to rapidly mobilise a considerable following, the same structures systematically reduced their capacity to consolidate support in the longer term – a weakness that might eventually put these parties' survival at risk. Second, they show that differences in the extent to which subnational units provide a foundation for member mobilisation helps to explain variation in the level of internal conflict experienced by these parties.     

Der Abschluss von Swap-Geschäften durch Gemeinden und die Grenzen der Gemeindeautonomie

Gemeinden haben mit Swap-Geschäften zur Absicherung des Zinsrisikos teilweise erhebliche Verluste erlitten. Dieser Umstand führt mittlerweile auch zu Gerichtsverfahren, in welchen die Gültigkeit dieser Geschäfte streitgegenständlich ist. Im folgenden Beitrag werden die Voraussetzungen für die Gültigkeit von Swap-Geschäften der Gemeinden untersucht.     

Do Women Representatives Regender Legislative Bureaucracy? Assessing the Effect of Representative Sex on Women's Presence among US Congressional Staff

Achieving greater female presence in influential positions is a commonly discussed strategy for gender reform in institutions such as the US Congress. Using theory adapted from research on gender in the workplace, this study examines whether women representatives, as ‘managers’ of congressional offices, alter patterns of gender representation in Congress by hiring and promoting more women staffers compared with men representatives. Cross-sectional logistic regression analyses of staffer sex during the 110th and 111th Congresses (2007–10) reveal a positive relationship between women representatives and female presence on congressional staffs. However, the relationship does not hold with respect to the most influential staff positions. These findings provide only limited support for theories that women representatives act as ‘change agents’ by directly facilitating opportunities for women, and highlight the importance of exploring alternative strategies for empowering women and regendering legislative institutions.     

The intersection of race and gender: an examination of sentencing outcomes in North Carolina

This study examines the intersection of offenders’ race and gender in the sentencing process using data on felony cases sentenced in North Carolina. Analyses examine the likelihood that charges were reduced in severity between initial filing and conviction, the likelihood of imprisonment, and the length of sentence imposed, and test whether race affects punishment similarly for men and women. Results indicate that status characteristics predict both reductions in charge severity and the severity of the final sentence, and that racial disparity is conditional on gender. However, the results are not entirely consistent with predictions derived from the extant literature. Gender significantly predicts case outcomes at each stage, but black men were not uniformly disadvantaged, and black women received the least severe treatment in two out of four analyses. Theoretical implications for the intersection of race and gender in sentencing theories are discussed.     

Access to party positions and preference formation: a field experiment

Abstract: Surveys are sometimes used to assess preferences towards policy issues that are remote from experience and that have never been publicly discussed. How do these preferences of isolated survey respondents compare with preferences expressed by voters who have access to advice from competing political parties? I address this question by conducting a field experiment with a sample of the general public in which I experimentally control the subjects’ access to the actual positions of competing parties and interest groups on specific novel policy propositions. Access to party positions decreased approval of the proposed environmental policy among right‐wing voters by over fifty percent, and this effect was similar for different educational groups. When voters had access to party positions, their policy preferences were more consistent with their general political orientation. I conclude by discussing implications of these results for the debate about voter competence and for preference elicitation using surveys.     

Artenschutz im Gentechnikrecht Zugleich zu Problemen von Effektivit?t, Demokratie und Abw?gung im Gentechnikrecht

Der vorliegende Beitrag widmet sich der Frage, ob und inwiefern den Belangen des Artenschutzes im Rahmen der geltenden Vorschriften beim Anbau gentechnisch ver?nderter Pflanzen angemessen Geltung verschafft werden kann. Besch?ftigte sich der Beitrag in NuR 2011, Heft 2 mit dem Artenschutzrecht, nimmt der vorliegende Beitrag das Gentechnikrecht – und das Verh?ltnis von Gentechnikrecht und Artenschutzrecht zueinander in ihren jeweiligen artenschutzbezogenen Vorgaben – n?her in den Blick. Dabei kommen auch Verfassungsprobleme des subkutanen Vorrangs der grünen Gentechnik in den Blick. Sie beziehen sich auf das Demokratieprinzip, den Gesetzesvorbehalt und die vermeintliche grundrechtliche Beweislastverteilung zugunsten der Gentechnik in Bezug auf unsichere naturwissenschaftliche Tatsachenfragen – und damit auf eine Sto?richtung, die (auch) dem BVerfG bisher eher entgangen ist.