China's Naval Rise and the South China Sea: An Operational Assessment

Over the last fifteen years, the steady rise of China's naval capabilities has received a level of attention unmatched since the Soviet navy's expansion following the Cuban Missile Crisis. Yet much of that attention has focused on what that rise has meant for Taiwan's security or a possible contest with the United States.¹ But Beijing's seaward territorial concerns also reach far into the South China Sea. And it is there that the military balance has most swiftly swung in China's favor as a result of its modernization program. This article will examine not only how the military balance has shifted, but also what Southeast Asian countries, particularly Vietnam and the Philippines, could do to best preserve their territorial interests in response to that shift.     

Trusted notifiers and the privatization of online enforcement

Online content is increasingly enforced by private parties based on private regulation. One recent trend in the takedown of unlawful online content is the emergence of models, where trusted third parties – private or public – are given privileged notification channels for flagging infringing content.Despite increasing practical importance, these arrangements have received little scholarly attention. This article explores the functioning of trusted notifier-models and how they are addressed by the European lawmaker in the context of two intermediaries, online platforms and domain name registries. Depending on intermediary, trusted notifier-models can both be seen as extension of the existing notice-and-takedown regimes and an additional voluntary expedited-enforcement layer. The author argues that these trusted notifier-models are problematic given the broad room of autonomy that the legislator is leaving to private parties. Whereas models involving public authorities are subject to general administrative law principles as well as constitutional and human rights safeguards, the framework for private regulation (i.e. without intervention of public actors) is less clear. In the field of domain names, these legitimacy issues give raise to special concern given the detached relation between domain names and website content. The paper criticizes the lack of insights into existing arrangements and calls for increased transparency. The author concludes that a legislative minimum framework is desirable.     

A BRIEF OVERVIEW OF THE ROLE OF ANTHROPOLOGY IN PUBLIC POLICY

In comparison with the other social and behavioral sciences, there has been a general lack of anthropological input or interest in public policy.
This absence from the public policy arena has been the result of both historical developments and theoretical biases within the field. Nevertheless, there have been certain periods when significant numbers of anthropologists have worked in policy areas-the 1930s. World War Il-but even then their influence was not great. However, in recent years we have witnessed a rapidly growing emphasis on public policy in applied anthropology which promises to give the discipline the opportunity to become atruly holistic policy science.
In addition to the discussion of the factors which have impeded and, more recently, contributed to anthropological involvement with public policy, each of the symposium papers is briefly introduced.     

Rational moralists: The role of fairness in democratic economic politics

In this paper, we empirically test for the influence of fairness considerations on the willingness to redistribute income in private and in democratic decisions. In contrast to standard explanations of income redistribution, our theory takes into account that prices shift decisively as we move from the sphere of private contributions to politics. At the polls, it is nearly costless to observe social norms. Therefore, we expect individuals to behave more fairly in the political sphere than in the market place. We present experimental evidence which is consistent with this hypothesis. In distributive struggles, social norms moderate the inclination of human beings to behave like ‘gangsters’.     

Clinical Assessment of Parents in Child Protection Cases: An Empirical Analysis

We investigated the content and legal relevance of clinical evaluations of parents conducted in child abuse and neglect cases. The sample consisted of 190 mental health evaluation reports, randomly selected from major providers, that had been completed on parents involved in a large, urban juvenile court system. We coded evaluations on 170 objective and qualitative characteristics in order to assess for criteria recommended in the forensic literature. We compared evaluations across groups categorized by type (e.g., psychological, psychiatric, bonding/parenting, substance abuse) and where the assessments were performed (outside or inside the court). We found numerous substantive failures to meet those criteria for forensic relevance. Evaluations of parents typically were completed in a single session, rarely included a home visit, used few if any sources of information other than the parent, often cited no previous written reports, rarely used behavioral methods, stated purposes in general rather than specific terms, emphasized weaknesses over strengths in reporting results, and often neglected to describe the parent's caregiving qualities or the child's relationship with the parent. Some relevant differences were evident across assessment groups, pointing to examples of more thorough, parenting-specific evaluation practices. We recommend ways to improve current practices in forensic parenting assessment.     

Europ?ische und nationale Regulierung der Bioenergie und ihrer ?kologisch-sozialen Ambivalenzen

Europ?isches und deutsches Recht setzen neuerdings stark auf eine ausgebaute Biomassenutzung zur Strom-, W?rme- und Treibstoffgewinnung. Die Biomassenutzung weist eine Reihe ?kologisch- sozialer Vor-, aber auch Nachteile auf. Das bisherige, aber auch das zur Verabschiedung anstehende neue europ?ische und deutsche Bioenergierecht l?st diese nicht immer hinreichend auf. Nachhaltigkeitskriterienkataloge k?nnen diese Rolle auch strukturell nur begrenzt übernehmen, unter anderem weil sie die n?tige Komplexit?t nicht abbilden, Verlagerungseffekte nicht vermeiden und bestimmte zentrale Aspekte (etwa das Weltern?hrungsproblem) erst gar nicht abbilden k?nnen; und wenn, dann müssten die Kataloge über die aktuellen EU-Vorschl?ge hinausgehen. Wirkungsvoller für die Bioenergienutzung selbst wie auch in der Energiepolitik insgesamt w?re aber eine einschneidende Energieeffizienzpolitik – die den Gesamtverbrauch senken und damit die ?kologisch-sozialen Ambivalenzen überschaubarer machen würden, wenn langfristig die erneuerbaren Energien 100% der Versorgung in einer “kohlenstofffreien Wirtschaft” übernehmen. In Verbindung mit der Analyse der Ambivalenzen bietet der vorliegende Beitrag zugleich einen kurzen überblick über das Bioenergierecht.     

What is democratic reliability? Epistemic theories of democracy and the problem of reasonable disagreement

It has proven difficult to reconcile epistemic justifications of political authority, especially epistemic theories of democracy, with a basic liberal commitment to respecting reasonable value pluralism. The latter seems to imply that there can be no universally acceptable substantive outcome standard to evaluate the epistemic reliability of different political procedures. This paper shows that this objection rests on an implausible interpretation of political competence. In particular, the paper defends two claims: first, that epistemic theories of political authority are in fact compatible with a liberal commitment to respecting reasonable pluralism; but second, that if we take reasonable pluralism seriously, the standard of competence we should use is a pragmatic one. Good political decision procedures reliably fix practical problems of social coordination and adapt to new demands and developments; we need not demand that their decisions are all-things-considered just or optimal. This pragmatic account of political competence is compatible with reasonable pluralism, since on this basis we can comparatively evaluate political procedures without controversially asserting a single standard of ‘truth’ in politics. Hence, it is possible to give an epistemic account of political authority that works within a liberal theory of political justification.     

Methodological Challenges for National and Multi-sited Comparative Survey Research

This paper will examine the ways in which ‘textbook’survey research methods need to be adapted and refined for researchwith forced migrants, and the ways in which cross-national contexts,as well as research within one national context with forcedmigrants from different communities, affect the utilizationof survey methods. Linked to this, the ways in which surveydesign issues need to be sensitive to the diversity betweenand within countries and communities will be explored. The paperwill draw on two surveys, one a UK national survey and the othera multi-sited comparative survey in the UK and South Africa,to explore access to forced migrants in different contexts andthe appropriateness of different modes of data collection betweenand within countries and communities (e.g. paper self-completion,face-to-face interviews and web-based surveys). The impact ofpolitics, language and literacy, gender, and immigration status,especially irregular and insecure statuses, will be examined.