抓住有利时机振兴公有制经济

公有制是中国特色社会主义经济的核心制度。但是,过去公有制经济在国民经济中的比重严重下降,正在造成深层次不良问题的发生,我们应当充分认识振兴公有制经济具有的紧迫性。目前是振兴公有制经济的有利时机。世界经济危机对我国造成的不利影响有助于社会形成振兴公有经济的共识。"改制"私企的困难处境有利于引导它们转向公有制。为此,必须采取坚决措施,抓住关键,振兴国有工商资本。建议健全公有制经济的管理机构,引导符合一定条件的大中型私营企业国有化,用财政手段和金融手段在一些领域发展新型国有企业,将过量外汇储备的一部分转化为经营性国有资本,鼓励和支持有条件的国有制企业引导和控制私营企业,依靠工人阶级搞好国有企业内部管理,积极培育为国有经济服务的企业管理专家。最重要的是,各级领导干部要树立在市场经济条件下振兴和壮大公有制经济的坚定信念。     

区域协调发展背景下行政协议的法律效力

基于诚实信用的理由,与民事行为一样,行政协议的拘束力首先表现为对缔约机关的约束,缔约机关有义务实际履行行政协议;行政协议本质上是对公共利益的重新优化配置,它可能为辖区的相对人规定权利、设置义务和行为规范,行政协议对相对人也可能产生拘束力;同样,行政协议也可能因为影响相关第三方机关的利益而对第三方机关产生拘束力。     

挺挺忠臣节 凛凛烈士抱——记大革命时期与董必武并肩战斗的革命烈士何羽道

何羽道,湖北籍革命烈士,国立武昌中山大学(今武汉大学)教授,早年追随孙中山为同盟会会员。大革命时期,作为国民党左派与中共党员董必武、钱介磐同为国民党湖北省党部三常委。1927年大革命失败后,在反革命屠杀最肆虐时由董必武介绍加入中国共产党,毅然投身反抗国民党血腥屠杀的战斗中。1928年1月4日,在汉口济生三马路刑场(今汉口中山大道水塔附近)英勇就义,终年45岁。     

犬mtDNA高变区Ⅰ多态性及法医学意义初探

目的对犬毛发mtDNA高变区Ⅰ多态性进行检测,并探讨其在法医学中的应用价值。方法 54只家犬(拉布拉多犬7只、史宾格犬7只、德国牧羊犬6只、罗威纳犬4只、藏獒4只、昆明犬4只、杜伯文犬3只、金毛寻猎犬1只、昆明本地犬18只)。采用复合巢式PCR对54只家犬mtDAN HVRⅠ15803～16114区域进行测序分析。结果 54只家犬在mtDNA HVRⅠ15458～16100区域共检测到643个碱基对信息,共检出分属3大单倍群26个多态点;15个单倍型,频率在1.9%～20.4%之间,其中单倍型A11频率最高;个体识别概率为0.898,平均核苷酸差异和平均核苷酸多样度为7.62±3.61和0.011 9±0.006 3。结论采用本文方法,可检测犬mtDNA HVR-Ⅰ多态性,并可利用其较高的个体识别概率为相关案件侦察提供线索或依据。     

合同解除异议制度研究

合同解除异议权,即“请求人民法院或者仲裁机构确认解除合同的效力”的权利,性质上属于提起确认之诉的诉权,非解约方和解约方均可依《民事诉讼法》第119条第1项享有。双方的诉权彼此构成限制,可以实现尽早稳定合同关系的目的。《合同法》第96条第3款第1句只是非解约方享有诉权的注意规定。现有研究以及《关于适用〈中华人民共和国合同法〉若干问题的解释（二）》第24条误将异议权作为实体权利,并以此为基础建构旨在限制异议权、稳定合同关系的合同解除异议制度,不仅在逻辑层面无法自圆其说,还在价值层面产生诸多负面影响。适用《解释二》第24条时,应对解除权的有无进行实质审查,并据此判定解除行为的效力,从而架空、虚置该条规定。抵销异议以及其它种类的形成权异议也应遵循这一规则。     

法学观念本土化考 从新中国60余年立宪史之视角

法的移植和法的本土化,是中国法律近现代化的基本路径和客观事实,中国近现代法律从观念到制度、原则乃至术语,几乎都是从西方(大多通过日本)移植进入中国,并逐步本土化的。虽然学界对此多有批评,但笔者以为,由于中国近现代移植的基本上是西方先进国家法律中的精华,代表了人类法律文明的最高成就。因此,中国近现代法的移植和法的本土化是成功的,具有普适性的价值。本文从新中国60余年的立宪史之视角,对近代移植的西方法学观念在新中国的本土化之艰难历程,以及这一历程所反映出来的新中国社会的巨大变迁,做了详尽细致的分析和论述。     

丽蝇科蝇类的生物学特性及其法医学应用

双翅目（Diptera）丽蝇科（Calliphoridae）蝇类是最早出现在腐败尸体、尸块上的主要蝇类。在法医昆虫学领域,根据丽蝇科的生活特性,可以较准确地推断出凶杀案或无名尸案的死亡时间（postmorteminter．val,PMI）,为案件侦破提供有利线索。本文介绍了丽蝇科蝇类的生物学、形态学特征,并对其在法医昆虫学与分子生物学、数学形态学、法医毒理学方面的联合应用进行了综述。     

Undermining Adversaries: Unipolarity,Threat Perception,and Negative Balancing Strategies after the Cold War

This paper engages the ongoing soft balancing debate by suggesting a new analytical framework for states’ countervailing strategies—a negative balancing model—to explain why states do not form alliances and conduct arms races to balance against power or threats as they previously did. Negative balancing refers to a state's strategies or diplomatic efforts aiming to undermine a rival's power. By contrast, positive balancing means to strengthen a state's own power in world politics. I argue that a state's balancing strategies are shaped by the level of threat perception regarding its rival. The higher the threat perception, the more likely it is for a state to choose positive balancing. The lower the threat perception, the more likely it is for a state to choose negative balancing. I suggest that the hegemon provides security as a public good to the international system in a unipolar world in which the relatively low-threat propensity of the system renders positive balancing strategies incompatible with state interests after the Cold War. Instead, states have employed various negative balancing strategies to undermine each other's power, especially when dealing with us primacy. China's negative balancing strategy against the United States and the us negative balancing strategy against Russia are two case studies that test the validity of the negative balancing model.     

Coast guards and maritime piracy: sailing past the impediments to cooperation in Asia

Abstract

Despite the efforts of the past decade, maritime piracy remains of international concern today. Countries need to cooperate actively at both the regional and international levels to eradicate the problem effectively. In particular, the nature of the threat in the Asia-Pacific region suggests that coastal states – countries that possess sovereignty over the pirate-infested waters but lack the law-enforcement resources – have to turn to resource-rich extra-regional powers for assistance. Unfortunately, cooperation between such disparate countries has traditionally been impeded by sovereignty sensitivities, as best exemplified by Malaysia's and Indonesia's hostile responses to the United States' Regional Maritime Security Initiative in 2003. Faced with this apparent dilemma, a new phenomenon has emerged. National coast guard agencies, instead of their military naval counterparts, have become attractive alternatives for promoting international cooperation against non-traditional security threats, such as maritime piracy. Spearheaded by the Japanese Coast Guard (JCG), coast guards from various countries have imparted training expertise, conducted joint exercises, hosted low-publicity multilateral meetings, and even transferred security equipment across international borders. Together they have succeeded in promoting cooperation without arousing the sovereignty sensitivities often associated with such cooperation. This article analyzes the evolution of coast guard cooperation in Asia, highlighting in particular the Japanese Coast Guard's success in this endeavor. With the general alignment of regional and global power interests in Southeast Asia, coast guard agencies hold promise for extra-regional powers wishing to help eradicate maritime piracy in the region.     

促进非公有制企业文化建设的实践与思考

非公有制企业文化是中国特色社会主义文化的重要组成部分,在促进非公有制经济健康发展和非公有制经济人士健康成长发挥着重要作用。新形势下积极促进非公有制企业文化建设,要用文化自信引导人,用文化项目凝聚人,用文化力量感召人;要围绕‘‘两个健康’’主体,凝聚“同心”共识,牢记“感恩”情义,实践并探索出一条既符合社会主义核心价值体系要求。又适合非公有制企业发展的企业文化建设路子。