抗日战争中的宁波商人

"九•一八"事变后,抗日救亡运动逐渐高涨,全国人民纷纷投入抗日运动.宁波商人在国家危急存亡之秋,也积极投入抗日斗争,维护民族尊严,保持民族气节;支援抗日斗争;抵制日货,提倡国货;粉碎日本侵略者的经济统制.我们要弘扬宁波商人的爱国精神,为浙江基本实现现代化而努力奋斗.     

Understanding Organizational Reforms in the Modern State: Specialization and Integration in Norway and France

This article examines the challenge Norway and France face in coordinating specialized government activities after 10 years of comprehensive reforms. The focus is on the tension between territorial and sectoral specialization and between vertical and horizontal specialization. We describe both sector‐specific administrative reforms and more overarching general reforms, looking at similarities and differences in the reorganization choices made by the two countries and also at what drives change. We argue that a combination of factors is required to explain outcomes. These factors include not only home‐grown reforms but also sectoral challenges, diffusion and learning from abroad, adaptation to the financial crisis and budget deficit, and choices made by powerful political executives. Sometimes these factors work together and reinforce each other, producing radical reforms; at other times they have a mutually constraining influence, resulting in only minor changes.     

Girls and Culture˜ in Delinquency Intervention: A Case Study of RYSE

Given the growing trend of girls in the juvenile justice system, there has been increasing attention toward providing gender‐specific programming. The Reaffirming Young Sisters' Excellence (RYSE) program was one of Alameda County, Calif., Probation Department's intervention programs designed to address both gender and cultural factors in girls programming. ANCOVA analyses of 350 randomized girls did not provide support for the gender‐specific hypothesis that girls who received RYSE intervention will have a lower recidivism score than girls who received traditional probation services. However, the cultural hypothesis was partially supported with African American girls who participated in the RYSE intervention faring better than Hispanic, White, and Asian RYSE girls, and their African American control counterparts.     

“利不是不好”：朱熹对《易传》之“利”的解读

朱熹解《易传》“ 利者义之和”“ 利物足以和义”,不仅讲“利物”与“和义”的统一,强调“利物”之重要,表明对于利物、利人、利天下百姓的重视,而且由此进一步讲义利的相互联系,讲“利不是不好”;同时批评《苏氏易传》“义非利则惨洌而不和”,反对把义与利并列为二物,反对惟利是求。在此基础上,朱熹认为,对于利,既要从义利关系的层面看,又要从利害关系的层面看;既讲“利不是不好”,又讲“以利为心则有害”,反对求利之心。这一思想不仅在后世得到一定程度的发展,而且可以为今天提供有价值的思想资源。     

Is the EU held accountable for economic performances? Assessing vote and popularity functions before and after membership

The EU has become increasingly responsible for the state of national economies over the last decades. Meanwhile, many observers have claimed that this increased responsibility has not translated into more accountability. In this article, we revisit this literature and analyse vote-popularity functions before and after accession because it provides a situation when the EU is an incumbent and when it is not. Using Eurobarometer surveys from 2001 to 2011, which were carried out in the countries that joined the EU in 2004 and 2007, we first show that individuals do not hold the EU accountable for macroeconomic performances before accession, but that they do after accession. Using European Election Studies surveys, we also indicate that the incumbent European Peoples’ Party is held accountable for the state of the economy in countries that are ruled by the EU, but not in countries that have just become EU members.     

提高认识 加强对上海外来流动人口的管理

人口流动是市场经济发展和社会进步的必然趋势。外来流动人口对上海的建设和繁荣作出了贡献,但也对社会治安秩序带来了负面影响。上海应根据城市建设发展需要加强对外来流动人口的管理工作,正确处理好敞开城门与设置门槛的关系,搞好流入地和流出地的管理合作,在加强部门管理的同时发挥综合管理优势,使日常管理与集中整治、属地管理与自我管理相结合,做到既依法严格管理,又热情服务,努力提高上海对外来流动人口的管理水平。     

Economic crises and the nationalisation of politics

The literature on party system nationalisation has yet to provide a better understanding of the impact of short‐term factors upon the nationalisation of politics. This article helps to fill this literature gap by analysing the effect of economic conditions on party system nationalisation. The argument is that economic crises will decrease levels of nationalisation by amplifying territorial variation in preferences for redistribution, limiting political parties’ capacity to coordinate divergent interests across districts and triggering the emergence of new political forces. Data on 47 countries for the 1960–2011 period confirm this hypothesis and show that lower economic growth during the years prior to the election is associated with a decrease in levels of party system nationalisation in the next election. The result is robust to variation in the specification of the econometric model and to the use of different measures of nationalisation. Results also show that federal institutions increase the impact of economic conditions on the nationalisation of politics, whereas any moderating effect of electoral system proportionality on the economy is not found.     

印度历史教科书中的中国形象

历史教科书是建构民族成员历史记忆乃至民族认同的重要媒介之一。在印度民族认同建构中,历史教科书如何认识中国这一历史悠久的邻国和定位中印关系,无疑具有重要意义。通过研究印度中央和六个邦现行的高小(6~8年级)、初中(9~10年级)阶段历史教科书,可将印度历史教科书中的中国形象按印度史的分期大致分为近代前、近代、独立后三个时期。近代前,中国是印度在世界范围内的主要贸易伙伴、友好邻国、物质文明大国,而在精神文明领域,中印是"学生-精神导师"关系。其中,西藏被塑造为印度文化圈的成员,而非中国的一部分。步入近代后,中印同样在帝国主义殖民浪潮冲击下,经历了衰弱和被剥削的文明古国,印度的教科书将中国视为"难兄难弟"。独立后,中国仍然被书写为国际格局中重要的一极,但中印之间围绕边界、涉核、涉巴等问题,形成了一定程度的对立,中国也开始在教科书中被视为对手和威胁。此外,印度的世俗民族主义、印度教民族主义和地方视角也导致了教科书中中国形象的差异性建构。     

Who is responsible for what? Clarity of responsibilities in multilevel states: The case of Spain

There is a theoretical disagreement between the classical normative positive view on decentralisation, which states that the fragmentation of power shifts policy more closely into line with citizens' preferences, and a more recent critical view that states that decentralisation blurs attribution of responsibility. This disagreement can only be resolved by refining the understanding of specific institutional designs. The theoretical claim in this article is that the relation between multilevel governance and clarity of responsibilities is contingent upon the type of decentralisation in place. To test this proposition, individual data from an asymmetrically decentralised system – the Spanish State of Autonomies – are used. Results show that the relationship between decentralisation and clarity of responsibility has a u‐shape. Responsibility attribution is clearer in regions with high and low levels of decentralisation, where one level of government clearly predominates over the other, than in regions with a more intertwined distribution of powers.