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101.
François Debrix 《Third world quarterly》2013,34(5):827-846
This article examines the phenomenon of international medical assistance to populations in distress from the perspective of the new spatial strategies deployed by medical humanitarian organisations. Taking seriously the ‘borderlessness’ of movements such as Médecins sans Frontières (Doctors without Borders, or MSF), the article argues that transnational medical organisations participate in the practice of deterritorialisation. Deterritorialisation means that certain transnational actors now have the ability to intervene below, across and beyond state boundaries. In the case of MSF, going beyond state boundaries is creative of new territorial structures. One such structure is what may be called the ‘space of victimhood’. Under the guise of reaching ‘victims’ the world over, MSF constructs new spaces—humanitarian zones—inside which individuals in distress are identified as ‘victims’, are sorted out, and become recognisable as generalised examples of human drama. This construction of a space of victimhood opens up the possibility for re-appropriations and manipulations by other non-humanitarian actors. Among such actors, one finds global media networks which avidly search for images of victims. By pointing out the potentially non-humanitarian effects of the new spatial arrangements deployed by transnational medical organisations (a phenomenon referred to as ‘transversality’), this article urges international scholars and practitioners to keep a close eye on questions of space and, specifically, on the sociopolitical processes of inclusion and exclusion that such territorial delineations often produce. 相似文献
102.
In spite of its predominant economic weight in developing countries, little is known about the informal sector earnings structure compared to that of the formal sector. Taking advantage of the rich VHLSS dataset in Vietnam, in particular its three wave panel data (2002, 2004, 2006), we assess the magnitude of various formal–informal earnings gaps while addressing heterogeneity at three different levels: the worker, the job (wage employment vs. self-employment) and the earnings distribution. We estimate fixed effects and quantile regressions to control for unobserved individual characteristics. Our results suggest that the informal sector earnings gap highly depends on the workers’ job status and on their relative position in the earnings distribution. Penalties may in some cases turn into premiums. By comparing our results with studies in other developing countries, we draw conclusions highlighting Vietnam’s labour market specificity. 相似文献
103.
Sandra Schmitz 《International Review of Law, Computers & Technology》2013,27(1-2):213-229
According to US House Judiciary Chairman Lamar Smith, ‘the theft of American intellectual property costs the American economy over $100 billion annually?…?and thousands of jobs’. Both houses of the US congress have been working on corresponding bills intending to give the US government and copyright holders more effective tools to curb access to so-called rogue websites that disseminate copyright-infringing content, especially those registered outside the US. Following a wake of protest, the Protect IP Act (PIPA) by the Senate and its counterpart in the House of Representatives, the Stop Online Piracy Act (SOPA), were postponed ‘until there is wider agreement on a solution’. This paper examines how the bills tried to strengthen the ability of US law enforcement and copyright holders to fight online trafficking in copyrighted intellectual property and counterfeit goods. It will also outline the recent developments and assess the implications that the bills have for freedom of speech online and cybersecurity, not only in the US but also in Europe. 相似文献
104.
François Tanguay-Renaud 《Criminal Law and Philosophy》2013,7(2):255-284
In this article, I ask whether the state, as opposed to its individual members, can intelligibly and legitimately be criminalized, with a focus on the possibility of its domestic criminalization. I proceed by identifying what I take to be the core objections to such criminalization, and then investigate ways in which they can be challenged. First, I address the claim that the state is not a kind of entity that can intelligibly perpetrate domestic criminal wrongs. I argue against it by building upon an account of the modern state as a moral agent proper, capable of both culpable moral and legal wrongdoing. I then consider objections to the intelligibility and legitimacy of subjecting states to domestic criminal processes, which primarily find their source in the assumption that such subjection would necessarily involve the state prosecuting, judging, and punishing itself. I argue that whether this (questionable) assumption is sound or not, it does not create the kinds of unsolvable quandaries its exponents think it does. I then move on to reject the distinct, yet related, objection that, at least in aspiring liberal jurisdictions, treating the state as a criminal objectionably involves extending to it various substantive and procedural guarantees that, given its nature and raison d’être, it should not have. Finally, I discuss three central objections to punishing the state. First, that organizations like states do not have the phenomenal consciousness required to suffer punishment. Second, that the constant possibility of dispersion of state punishment amongst individual members stands in the way of its justification. Lastly, that whatever justification there may be for making things harder for the state in response to its culpable wrongdoing, such treatment need not be understood as punishment. While partially conceding the strength of these objections, I strive to loosen their grip in ways that show that justified punishment of the state, meaningfully understood as such, remains a distinct possibility. I conclude by contrasting supposed alternatives to the criminalization of states, and by contending that my analysis leaves us with enough to keep the possibility of state criminalization on the table as a justifiable response to state wrongdoing. 相似文献
105.
106.
Françoise De Bel-Air 《The international spectator : a quarterly journal of the Istituto affari internazionali》2018,53(2):52-73
Migration from South and East Mediterranean (SEM) countries has been considered a growing security threat in the EU and Gulf states following the 9/11 attacks and the Arab uprisings. Since 2011, the economic slowdown, regime changes and socio-political instability have spurred growing migration pressure from SEM countries. However, the securitisation of migration of young citizens from these countries in the EU and the Gulf states is manifested in the drastic limitation of migrants’ inflows, and in the selection of prospective migrants on demographic, socio-economic and political grounds. Today’s ‘governmentality’ of youth migration from SEM countries poses ethical and development-related issues. 相似文献
107.
108.
Françoise Lemoine 《Economic Change and Restructuring》2013,46(1):25-43
China’s economic strategy is facing new challenges arising from the changes in the world economy as well as in its domestic conditions. Given the sluggish global economy and the rise of protectionist policies, China cannot expect external demand to contribute to its economic growth as much as in the past. On the domestic side, the working age population has ceased to increase and will soon diminish; rising domestic costs will force Chinese exporters to shift from price competitiveness to quality upgrading and to build new comparative advantages. An important dimension of China’s new strategy will be the expansion of its direct investment abroad. China which has already become the leading world exporter and has been up to now a major recipient of foreign direct investment is likely to turn out to be a major international investor. China has accumulated large foreign assets which mainly consist of foreign government debt securities and is now aiming at diversifying its external assets through promoting Chinese firms’ investment abroad. 相似文献
109.
110.
Fran Markowitz 《欧亚研究》1999,51(7):1183-1198