全文获取类型
收费全文 | 879篇 |
免费 | 37篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 111篇 |
工人农民 | 70篇 |
世界政治 | 73篇 |
外交国际关系 | 61篇 |
法律 | 405篇 |
中国政治 | 65篇 |
政治理论 | 127篇 |
综合类 | 4篇 |
出版年
2023年 | 9篇 |
2022年 | 7篇 |
2021年 | 23篇 |
2020年 | 30篇 |
2019年 | 34篇 |
2018年 | 46篇 |
2017年 | 51篇 |
2016年 | 45篇 |
2015年 | 36篇 |
2014年 | 41篇 |
2013年 | 104篇 |
2012年 | 64篇 |
2011年 | 83篇 |
2010年 | 29篇 |
2009年 | 17篇 |
2008年 | 42篇 |
2007年 | 29篇 |
2006年 | 32篇 |
2005年 | 29篇 |
2004年 | 42篇 |
2003年 | 34篇 |
2002年 | 24篇 |
2001年 | 19篇 |
2000年 | 8篇 |
1999年 | 4篇 |
1998年 | 1篇 |
1997年 | 8篇 |
1996年 | 3篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 4篇 |
1993年 | 3篇 |
1992年 | 1篇 |
1991年 | 3篇 |
1990年 | 1篇 |
1989年 | 1篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 1篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1967年 | 2篇 |
1959年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有916条查询结果,搜索用时 46 毫秒
11.
12.
ABSTRACTThis article explores how societal actors in Somalia take part in a transnational politics of countering/preventing violent extremism (CVE/PVE) through a political sociological approach to militarisation. We argue that the transnational politics of CVE represents an extension of global militarism by some states, institutions, donors and brokers. CVE works to adapt global militarism and to reconfigure the global-local relationships that sustain it. We explore the roles and influence of local ‘CVE brokers’ in deradicalisation efforts in South-central Somalia. They inadvertently merge the counter-terrorism approach to Somali people, values and territory with non-military means. We show that their key practices – co-ordination, translation and alignment – advance, but also disrupt, alter and transform CVE policy objectives. 相似文献
13.
María Jos Martínez Iglesias 《European Law Journal》2020,26(1-2):108-113
This work argues that there is no univocal interpretation of what regulatory policy is and pursues. Taking the strategy of the European Commission as a starting point only, it addresses more specifically the Union legislature's perspective, which, in a democratic decision‐making process, cannot compromise its autonomy. In the unique constitutional universe of the European Union, the “Better Law‐Making” agenda pursues an important additional objective: facilitating the very process of adopting legislation by means of interinstitutional conflict prevention mechanisms and through a common approach to interpretation and implementation of primary law. That is the main purpose of the Interinstitutional Agreements on the quality of legislation, which place them in the position of a sort of soft constitutional law. 相似文献
14.
Marta Iñiguez de Heredia 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(6):623-644
ABSTRACTThe article explores how stabilisation missions reproduce the patterns that constituted colonial states. Following African historiography, the article argues that stabilisation’s militarised approach to neutralising resistance, its racialisation of targets and its aim to constitute and reform state authority evoke how colonial states were forged by the inseparable relationship between authority, force, race, production and resistance. However, it will be shown that those patterns cannot be fully understood without an account of the broader structure of coloniality and imperialism. In so doing, the article aims to contribute to bring together different literatures on contemporary peace-building interventions and contemporary militarism by examining the relation between militarism, coloniality and imperialism. It focuses on the Democratic Republic of Congo to show how an intensified use of force against resistance, added to frames that see Congolese politics as deviant, has guided the goal of restoration of state authority, and with it, different economic reforms, all of which have reinforced the military and economic power of national and international elites, without reporting significant benefits to the population at large. 相似文献
15.
Ritual Demonstrations versus Reactive Protests: Participation Across Mobilizing Contexts in Mexico City 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1 下载免费PDF全文
Using an innovative survey of protest participants and nonparticipants from five major street demonstrations in Mexico City in 2011 and 2012, this study tests the assumption that influences on protest participation vary across different types of events; namely, ritual demonstrations and reactive protests. The comparison is based on two assumptions: that these are two of the dominant forms of protest in contemporary Latin America, and that specifying the context for different types of social movement participation provides a better understanding of the individual mobilization process for groups seeking to defend their rights or gain new benefits. The comparative analyses reveal some crucial differences. Political interest and previous political experience are more influential in the decision to take part in reactive demonstrations. For ritual demonstrations, the decision to participate tends to be driven more by personal and organizational connections. 相似文献
16.
Mária Kondeková Radoslav Beňuš Ph.D. Soňa Masnicová Ph.D. Petra Švábová Ph.D. 《Journal of forensic sciences》2020,65(4):1303-1309
Minutiae are small distinguishing features found along every ridge flow, which make each friction ridge print unique. The most common friction ridge prints found at the crime scene are fingerprints; therefore, the most of the minutiae studies are focused exactly on this kind of prints. The authors believe that further examination and enlargement of the palm print database could result in better use of the palm prints for personal identification. We analyzed a total of 160 palm prints from 40 females and 40 males aged between 18 and 70 years from Slovakia. For the evaluation of the minutiae, the area of the hypothenar had to be marked out. The classification of the minutiae used for this study was based on a modified version of the classification system using the total of 13 types of minutiae. The frequency of every minutiae type was calculated and, using the chi-square test with Yates's correction, bilateral and sex differences were assessed. The relationship between the different types of minutiae was examined with Pearson's correlation test. During the initial phases of the identification process, the focus should be on the least common types of minutiae (Y or M and return), which were found not to correlate; thus, their mutual occurrence is random (e.g., overlap—Y or M, crossbar—return, or Y or M—dock). The results of the present study show which specific minutiae types are the most suitable for personal identification. These findings may be beneficial in more effective outcome of the identification process. 相似文献
17.
18.
ABSTRACTGatti, Irazuzta and Martinez address the intercultural public policies implemented in the education system of the Autonomous Region of the Basque Country (Spain). Focusing on the education system allows them to reconstruct the historicity of identity-alterity production in a region in which language has been central for the establishment of ethnic frontiers. More specifically, they examine the implementation of these policies in three pre-school and primary educational institutions in a multicultural neighbourhood of the city of Bilbao. They look at Euskara—the Basque language—as a key element of the us-them distinction. The various education models regarding language and the teaching in/of Euskara or Spanish pave the way for the specialization and spatialization of the schools analysed. ‘Integration’ policies are implemented in ethnically marked schools only, based on a rhetoric of interculturality that assumes that any ‘racial or ethnic discrimination’ can be overcome through knowledge of the Other. Moreover, the assessment of public policies through ‘interculturality figures and best practice’ developed to address the so-called ‘immigration issue’ promotes a protectionist intervention on behalf of the assumed social vulnerabilities of immigrant schoolchildren and their families, which are read as ‘problematic characteristics’. The article argues that, as a result of the approach based on the social conditions of immigrant children and their families in the Basque Country, the race issue evaporates. 相似文献
19.
Responding to recent articles in Governance highlighting the need for improved measurement of bureaucratic characteristics, this article describes efforts to map Brazil's federal agencies on three dimensions—capacity, autonomy, and partisan dominance—derived from data on more than 326,000 civil servants. The article provides a “proof of concept” about the utility of agency‐level measures of these variables, demonstrating how they relate to an output common to all agencies: corruption. The article provides a first step in the direction of building a comparative research program that offers objective evaluation of bureaucracies within nation‐states, with the intent of better disentangling their impact on governance outcomes. 相似文献
20.