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101.
Stephen Meredith 《The Political quarterly》2020,91(2):379-387
‘Meritocracy’ continues to unfold as both core conceptual framework and political ideal of the language of social mobility. In recent decades, politicians of various hues have declared it a sine qua non of the so-called ‘classless society’. The longer trajectory of postwar discourses of equality reveal a more chequered conceptual past. Its origins in the forums of revisionist social democracy of the 1950s, and subsequently popularised in the writings of social democratic polymath, Michael Young, are much more circumspect. The article considers pivotal contributions and developments of this conceptual history and trajectory. It considers the origins and emergence of meritocracy as a dimension of discourses of equality in the 1950s, and the formative contribution of Michael Young, reaction and responses on the left to his 1958 seminal work, The Rise of the Meritocracy, and the subsequent ‘meritocratic turn’. In spite of its satirical origins and warnings of dire social consequences, meritocracy presently enjoys a confirmatory position as a concept of opportunity and social mobility, as an embedded ideal of social organisation and means of allocating differential rewards. 相似文献
102.
Parental Authoritativeness,Social Support and Help-seeking for Mental Health Problems in Adolescents
Maiuolo Michelle Deane Frank P. Ciarrochi Joseph 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2019,48(6):1056-1067
Journal of Youth and Adolescence - Adolescents experience high rates of mental health problems but are reluctant to seek professional help. Parents play an integral role in the help seeking process... 相似文献
103.
Oscar W. Gabriel Ulf Bohmann Daniel Gaus Emanuel Richter Annika Frisch Helga Haftendorn Dirk Berg-Schlosser Frank Bönker Dennis-Jonathan Mann Christian Tuschhoff Karsten Schmitz Jared Sonnicksen Heinrich Pehle Marco Schäferhoff Wilhelm Bleek Jürgen Petersen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(3):646-690
104.
In this article we examine the dual-track pricing system in China's stock market since its inauguration, a legacy of its economic transition and a major source of institutional predation in the market. We then examine the share structure reform initiated in 2005 that sought to eliminate the distortion this predation had elicited. We interpret the reform push as a process of institutional change and focus on the drivers and theoretical explanations of such changes in China's stock market. We thus advance a model for understanding institutional change, Chinese style. We argue that, initially, the institutional arrangement was constructed by the dynamics of transition – the juxtaposition of the Leninist state and the emerging stock market. This provided huge incentives for state corruption in the emerging market. As the market transition proceeded, the societal and political costs of corruption and market distortion also grew, which produced a crisis that eventually attracted the attention of powerful leaders of the party state. We argue from this case that the broader political context in which specific examples of institutional change occur needs to be examined. Specifically, we argue that powerful agents who are external to given institutional environments can play an important role in institutional change, thus highlighting the political dynamics of an authoritarian state amid systemic transition and global integration. 相似文献
105.
Klaus-Gert Lutterbeck Armin Schäfer Andreas Heyer Christian Kaiser Helga Haftendorn Sandra Seubert Christian Bala Ralf J. Leiteritz Frank Dietrich Christian Brütt Christian Reisinger Alexander Warkotsch Mandana Biegi Burkhard Conrad Christian Stecker 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2009,50(2):327-363
Ohne Zusammenfassung 相似文献
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110.
Frank Bovenkerk 《Crime, Law and Social Change》2011,55(4):259-260
Terrorist organizations, groups, cells or just ‘bunches of guys’ are systematically compared with other types of criminal
or deviant organizations: organized crime such as the mafia, street gangs and religious sects. Of course there are many differences
between them, especially where motivation is concerned, but they share the common factor that it is almost impossible or very
difficult for individual members to step out. However, de-radicalization may follow analogous paths: aging out, accepting
exit programs in prison or disengaging ideologically. The article discusses the obstacles that a government strategy that
encourages desistance from terrorism by stepping out may encounter. It may be sufficient and more realistic to discourage
radicals from using violence than to try to de-radicalize them by using counternarrative techniques. 相似文献