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571.
Power relations between politicians and journalists are often depicted as an ongoing tango with one actor leading the other. This study analyzes interactions between politicians and journalists not by posing the question of who leads whom, but rather by investigating which politicians are invited to dance in the first place, and which are better positioned to take the lead. Building upon theories and past research into press–government relations, comparative politics, and an economic perspective on journalist–source relations, three groups of hypotheses on a personal, party, and political system level are derived and tested using a unique survey with members of parliament (MPs) in five democratic corporatist countries (Belgium, The Netherlands, Sweden, Norway, Denmark). The results display a similar pattern in all five countries where parliamentary experience and institutional position increase the frequency of contacts that MPs have with journalists. While these party variables have a more modest influence on the frequency of contacts, it is also shown that there are clear differences between countries attributed to parliament size in general and higher inter-MP competition in particular. 相似文献
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As our world grows more complex and difficult to understand, perhaps we benefit best by looking at it through different lenses and at different angles. Since “accidents” of our birth and upbringing leave us predisposed to adopt only one perspective and to be certain that we have the best view, it is even more important that we consciously identify and separately consider a variety of viewpoints. As everyone knows reading a concept in a book or even viewing someone else demonstrating it is quite different than actively participating in the conduct of such a concept. This essay is a collection of our own classroom simulations developed for the purpose of furthering this educational endeavor. 相似文献
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Peter Van Den Dungen 《和平与变革》2001,26(4):510-524
One measure of the success of the Nobel peace prize is the many other awards it has inspired for efforts promoting peace and nonviolent conflict resolution. However, none of these prizes enjoys the global fame and prestige associated with the Nobel prize. Its long history and regularity, the high cash award, the context of the other Nobel prizes, and the annual media events that the award announcement and ceremony have become all help to explain what is unique about this prize. Moreover, the Nobel peace prize is the most general award for peace available that is not limited to any particular kind of work, actor, or region. The decision‐making body is independent, and not linked to any social grouping or ideology. While the only purpose of the Norwegian Nobel Committee is to award its peace prize, for virtually all other bodies that award peace prizes it is an instrument, among others, for the pursuit of the particular objectives of the founders. The pre‐eminence of the Nobel peace prize is likely to persist. 相似文献
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G. Lane Van Tassell 《Politics & Policy》1988,16(2):207-221
Some Summary Comments Clearly some caution should be exercised in presenting some of these data. As anyone familiar with official sources in Cuba recognizes, figures are almost always presented in the most favorable light possible. This can be expected from virtually any governmental source and is not limited to efforts made by the Cuban government. As anyone who has traveled in Cuba realizes, secondary confirmation of much of the official data is often hard to come by. This is not necessarily because other sources might be contradictory and therefore not available, but that they just do not exist. Personal interviews, subjective observations and other resource people do help. But raw statistical data remain open to further critical review. However, any tendency by the various Cuban sources to inflate the numbers to their official advantages will have the likelihood of being counterproductive. In the future, current figures will have to serve as the base from which judgments about subsequent progress towards the goal of political equality will be measured. All things considered, the various sources of raw data concerning the political status of Cuban women seem reliable. Several conceptual challenges confront those who seek to assess relationships between gender and politics in a particular national setting. Included among the key questions are: (1) At what levels are gender and political linkages significant? (2) Are data available sufficient to make meaningful distinctions? and (3) What systematic explanations can be attributed to a particular national setting? Students of women and politics have a great deal to learn from the Cuban example since the Revolution. Not only did several women figure significantly in the struggle against the Batista regime, the emergence of the Cuban Federation of Women early in the Castro era gave credibility to the claim that the quest for political equality between the sexes was of more than token importance. Gaining official recognition in the new Cuban constitution as a mass organization is further evidence of the organization's ability to consolidate and support political gains for Cuban women. Additional concrete verification of political influence by women in Cuba can be found in formal organizations of the Cuban political system. The data included in this research note suggest rates of participation for contemporary Cuban women consistently above double-digit figures. This research note is offered as further food for thought in the important quest toward greater understanding and clarification of the “revolution within a revolution.” 相似文献
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A Heyndrickx F Van Hoof L De Wolf C Van Peteghem 《Journal - Forensic Science Society》1974,14(2):131-133