Explaining house voting on the North American Free Trade Agreement

This paper analyzes representatives'; voting patterns on NAFTA. The public choice model posits that representatives vote to redistribute wealth to constituents. Evidence presented here indicates that the Heckscher–Ohlin model is appropriate to represent the redistributional effects of NAFTA. Using a three-factor variant of the Heckscher–Ohlin model, evidence is presented indicating that representatives voted to redistribute wealth to their geographical and electoral constituents. The ability of geographically concentrated interests and of special interests to influence representatives' votes helps to explain the weak party allegiance demonstrated on the NAFTA vote.     

Trends and Developments in Program Evaluation in General and Criminal Justice Programs in Particular

The paper first describes general trends in evaluation in (mainly) western societies. Why is evaluation growing, what are the characteristics of this ‘growth industry’ and what developments are occurring outside western societies? Trends in the evaluation of criminal justice programs in the USA, the UK and the Netherlands are then discussed. Two important developments are therafter highlighted: experimental evaluations and theory-driven evaluations. Both approaches are discussed, and some pros and cons are listed. Finally, the paper outlines some challenges for future work in the evaluation of criminal justice programs, stressing the importance of combining good designs with both program and social science theories.     

Activity and inactivity in a rent-seeking contest with private information

We consider a rent-seeking contest in which one player has private information about his own valuation of the prize. This valuation may be either high or low. All other players have a known and identical valuation of the prize. We present necessary and sufficient conditions under which the privately informed player exerts a positive or zero equilibrium effort.     

‘Country ownership’: a term whose time has gone

The term ‘country ownership’ refers to a property of the conditionality attached to programmes, processes, plans, or strategies involving both a ‘domestic’ party (generally a nation state) and a foreign party (generally the IMF, the World Bank, the Regional Development Banks, and other multilateral and bilateral institutions). Under what circumstances and how can the concept of country ownership be relevant to a country with a myriad heterogeneous and often conflicting views and interests? Or to a country whose government's representational legitimacy or democratic credentials are in question? The author argues that the term has been abused to such an extent that it is at best unhelpful and at worst pernicious: a term whose time has gone.     

To marry a thief? Crime type as a deterrent to cohabitation

Objectives

Using a vignette study, we investigated the relative attractiveness as cohabitation partners of five different types of offenders, male as well as female.

Methods

Respondents advised a hypothetical person whether he or she should start cohabiting with his or her partner who had offended once. Gender and type of offence were systematically varied.

Results

Our findings suggest that violent offenders are equally attractive as serious property offenders. Against expectation, perpetrators of relational violence are not rated as less attractive than other violent offenders, even if they are male, and also when females are the raters. Male violent offenders are rated as less attractive cohabitation partners than female violent offenders. Sex offenders are the least attractive cohabitation partners, particularly those who had offended against a child.

Conclusions

Crime type matters: sex offending impacted consistently negatively on cohabitation advice. This effect may be partly due to the fact that many regard sex offenders as incurable and ‘deviant.’ Violent offending did not elicit markedly negative advice. Perhaps it was considered less of a risk because of the message in the vignette that the prospective cohabitants had a good relationship. It may also be that many young people have been in a fight or have slapped someone in their lives, and, therefore, downplay the seriousness of this offence.

     

Revisiting child sponsorship programmes

Child sponsorship programmes have long been criticised for their conceptual and programmatic flaws. In response, organisations changed their programme designs to minimise negative side effects, or even stopped providing direct support to individual children altogether. This paper outlines the evolution of sponsorship programmes; discusses advantages and drawbacks of today's one-to-one sponsorship methods; and explores how progress may be possible. It concludes that such sponsorship programmes will never amount to sustainable development but can, if designed well, make a credible contribution to complex livelihoods in environments that lack adequate safety nets.

Repenser les programmes de parrainage d'enfants

Les programmes de parrainage d'enfants sont depuis longtemps critiqués pour leurs défauts conceptuels et programmatiques. En réponse à ces critiques, les organisations ont modifié la conception de leurs programmes pour réduire au minimum les effets secondaires négatifs, et ont même parfois complètement cessé d'apporter un soutien direct à des enfants individuels. Cet article décrit dans ses grands traits l’évolution des programmes de parrainage, traite des avantages et des inconvénients des méthodes actuelles de parrainage individuel et examine les manières dont il serait possible de progresser. Il conclut que les programmes de parrainage de ce type ne constitueront jamais des formes de développement durable, mais qu'ils peuvent, à condition d’être bien conçus, apporter une contribution crédible à des moyens de subsistance complexes dans des environnements qui ne sont pas pourvus de filets de sécurité adéquats.

Revisando nuevamente los programas de patrocinio a la niñez

Durante mucho tiempo, los programas de patrocinio a la niñez han sido objeto de críticas debido a sus fallos conceptuales y programáticos. Frente a esta situación, las organizaciones han modificado el diseño de sus programas, con el fin de minimizar sus efectos negativos, o han detenido totalmente el apoyo brindado a niños de manera individual. El presente artículo esboza la evolución experimentada por los programas de patrocinio, a la vez que examina las ventajas y las desventajas de los actuales programas de patrocinio individual, analizando cómo pueden hacerse avances al respecto. La conclusión surgida del artículo establece que estos programas de patrocinio nunca serán parte del desarrollo sustentable aunque, si se diseñan bien, pueden contribuir de forma verosímil a la creación de medios de vida complejos en entornos que carecen de programas sociales adecuados.

Revisitando programas de patrocínio às crianças

Os programas de patrocínio às crianças têm sido há muito tempo criticados por suas falhas conceituais e programáticas. Em resposta, as organizações mudaram seus projetos de programa para minimizar os efeitos colaterais negativos, ou até mesmo deixaram de fornecer em geral apoio direto a crianças individualmente. Este artigo apresenta a evolução de programas de patrocínio; discute as vantagens e desvantagens de métodos atuais de patrocínio individual; e avalia como o progresso pode ser possível. Ele conclui que tais programas de patrocínio nunca atingirão o desenvolvimento sustentável mas, se forem bem elaborados, podem oferecer uma contribuição confiável a meios de subsistência complexos em ambientes que não possuem redes de segurança adequadas.     

Landlords,sharecroppers and agricultural labourers: Changing labour relations in Rural Java

It has mainlv been the large landowners in Gondosari who have been in a position to take advantage of the modernisasi of agricultural production. Long before the seventies they enjoyed a dominant economic, social and political position in the village. Closely linked by family ties,⁷ they have occupied all the important positions (such as village head and members of the village administration) since the end of the last century. In this way they have been able to maintain and enlarge their economic power. Although several of them attempted to engage in commercial farming in the past, particularly in the twenties, until recently such efforts did not always meet with success. The cultivation of cash crops such as peanuts and kapok was practically under their complete control, but because profit margins were narrow, this did not lead to accumulation on a large scale. In the period 1930 to 1950, when monetized trade practically disappeared as a consequence of economic depression, war and revolution, commercial production was rather unattractive. Although the Indonesian government tried to create an “agricultural middle class” in the first years of independence, the efforts soon failed in Gondosari because of monetary inflation and the lack of an adequate economic infrastructure (roads, marketing) on the one hand and the political mobilization of small peasants and landless on the other. It was not until after a second major effort was made to increase commercial rice production through the Bimas programme in the wake of the 1965 military coup that the large owners in Gondosari could make the transition to “rural capitalism”. Capital investments were shown to bear fruit provided that production costs could be reduced by limiting the number of labourers and by cutting down wage in cash or in kind. Given its virtual monopoly of land ownership, the government support it has received, the growing number of landless households and the destruction of the peasants' unions, the village élite was able to carry its strategy into effect without too much opposition. The landlords are becoming “entrepreneurs” not only in agriculture, but also outside it. In Gondosari and some other villages they have introduced new rice hullers; purchased ‘Colts’ (pick-ups adapted for public transport) that visit all the main villages in the district; acquired diesel-powered generators, the electricity from which they sell to other villagers; and engaged in trade in agricultural produce (peanuts, chillies, cloves and citrus fruits). On the other hand, it is also they who purchase the imported luxury goods such as televisions, radios, motorbikes, cassette-recorders and amplifiers. In the houses of the village élite these have become common status symbols in recent years.

The agricultural labourers have seen only the negative effects of this transition to rural capitalism, namely a drastic decrease in employment as the rationalization of rice and peanut production on the lands of the large landowners where they used to work has gradually resulted in the expulsion of their “superfluous labour”. In the absence of any other employment prospects they are increasingly driven into the marginal sectors of the village economy such as petty trade, various forms of handicrafts and cottage-industry and the illegal felling and selling of teak wood from the government forest. Such forms of activity generally provide much lower returns on labour.

For the sharecroppers, commercialization of agriculture has led not to a decrease in employment, but ironically to its very opposite. Sharecroppers are now expected to make a greater financial and physical contribution to production for a proportionately smaller share in the harvest. The mode of production debate in India has shown that a developing rural capitalism does not necessarily put an end to precapitalist relations of production, but sometimes reinforces them (McEachern, 1976: 453). The case of Gondosari also shows that sharecropping for the large landowners is the most profitable relationship and is therefore also maintained in a commercial context.     

State Business Relations and Economic Growth in Sub-Saharan Africa

This paper contributes to the literature on the determinants of economic growth in sub-Saharan Africa by examining the effect of effective state-business relations on economic growth for a panel of 19 sub-Saharan African countries for the period 1970–2004. We propose a measure that we argue captures the various dimensions of effective state–business relations in sub-Saharan Africa. We then estimate standard growth regressions using dynamic panel data methods with this measure, along with the more conventionally used measures of institutional quality such as degree of executive constraints, the rule of law, the degree of corruption and the quality of the bureaucracy. Our results show that effective state–business relations contribute significantly to economic growth – countries which have shown improvements in state–business relations have witnessed higher economic growth, controlling for other determinants of economic growth and independent of other measures of institutional quality.     

Bent into Security: Barrister Contribution to a Skewed Order in Two Terrorism Prosecutions in Australia

This article explores two terrorism prosecutions – R v. Benbrika and Ors and R v. Elomar and Ors – to probe how Australian lawyers approach the integration of national security interests into the heart of public law. A brief background is provided followed by an analysis of how the Security Legislation Amendment (Terrorism) Act 2002 (Cth), as amended, and the National Security Information (Criminal and Civil Proceedings) Act 2004 (Cth) deviate from the legal order to produce a ‘skewed blend’ between national security and criminal justice. We examine three ways in which barristers contribute to bending of process in counter‐terrorism trials: accommodation to the precautionary standard, the resetting of equality of arms expectations, and brokered agreements that depend on the deferential relationships within the court. Consequently, the moral asymmetry of terrorism is the backdrop for the ‘plausible legality’ of ‘just world’ derogations from liberal politics.