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51.
The Lisbon Strategy commits the EU to making labour market regulation more employment friendly with commentators anticipating
some resulting convergence on the US model. Surprisingly, part of this post-Lisbon convergence has taken the form of a major
extension of EU Social Policy with the expansion of anti-discrimination policies to address the case of age discrimination.
We argue that unlike the US experience, it is the current preoccupation with raising European employment rates that has led
to this expansion of ‘hard law’ Social Europe. We are unable to provide an efficiency rationale for this extension and assess
alternative explanations. We also provide arguments suggesting that its impact is likely to differ from those experienced
in the US.
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Samantha Hardy 《Negotiation Journal》2009,25(3):385-400
This article contributes to a growing body of research about how to effectively teach mediation by considering how best to use role-plays in the mediation classroom to encourage reflective practice with a particular emphasis on the role of the teacher as a facilitator of reflective learning. The author suggests that the process of teaching mediation as reflective practice starts with teaching as reflective practice and emphasizes the importance of teachers' critical self-reflection. The article provides some examples of how teachers can encourage students to engage in reflective learning and develop their skills as reflective practitioners for their continued professional development. 相似文献
55.
Samantha Hardy 《Negotiation Journal》2008,24(3):247-268
This paper examines the constitutive elements of the genre of melodrama and relates them to typical Western conflict stories. It demonstrates why a conflict narrative based on the genre of melodrama tends to work against the resolution of the conflict and proposes tragedy as a more constructive genre for a conflict narrative. The paper also discusses how the mediation situation itself can constrain the possible genres that can be constructed in the process and explores the implications of those constraints for people in conflict and for the mediators facilitating a resolution. 相似文献
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Optimization of DNA extraction from low-yield and degraded samples using the BioRobot EZ1 and BioRobot M48 总被引:1,自引:0,他引:1
Kishore R Reef Hardy W Anderson VJ Sanchez NA Buoncristiani MR 《Journal of forensic sciences》2006,51(5):1055-1061
Robotic extraction of DNA from dilutions of blood and semen using either the BioRobots EZ1 or BioRobots M48 consistently produced lower recoveries than standard organic extractions of the same samples. In an effort to increase the efficiency of robotically extracted DNA, glycogen and carrier RNA were added following cell lysis. The addition of glycogen, postlysis, resulted in no improvement in DNA recovery with the BioRobot EZ1. However, when carrier RNA was added to the cell lysate of limited and degraded samples extracted on the EZ1 or the M48, DNA recoveries dramatically increased four- to 20-fold. DNA yields obtained by robotic extraction in the presence of carrier RNA were as high, or higher, as those obtained by organic extraction lacking carrier RNA, while experiments that utilized carrier RNA in both types of extractions showed increased sensitivity for both methods. Furthermore, carrier RNA substantially increased the recovery of fragmented DNA with the EZ1. 相似文献
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AbstractAdministrators of many publicly funded organizations are facing the need to implement cutbacks in the light of current budgetary restrictions. An alternative or supplementary course of action to making cuts is to resist them. This article examines four organizations - a Montreal university, a Montreal social service centre and two British health authorities - to see how they dealt with this issue of resistance. Resisting cutbacks requires the use of political strategies which are effective in persuading funding agencies to increase or maintain budgets. The four case studies illustrate the components of a successful strategy in terms of identifying the relevant interest groups, building coalitions and creating legitimacy. In addition, the question of whether administrators should resist budget cuts is explored. The pitfalls of resistance that were encountered by the four organizations are identified, as are the advantages. It is shown that while resistance is a viable option for many public administrators, it is no simple matter. Those contemplating this course of action need to be aware of the issues involved so that they can assess and enhance their chances of success, while minimizing any detrimental effects that resistance may have on the organization and its employees. 相似文献
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Kirsten Rodine‐Hardy 《政策研究评论》2015,32(5):517-537
Since the 1990s over 158 countries established pro‐market reforms in telecommunications—a fast pace for such a drastic change. For example, Sweden and Botswana, two nations vastly different across multiple dimensions, both liberalized their telecom sectors. Why did so many countries adopt liberal reforms in such a short period of time? Conventional wisdom highlights the role of global markets and technology, powerful states, global diffusion, and domestic politics. I argue that contrary to these claims, diffusion through key international organizations is the critical and overlooked factor in explaining rapid global convergence of pro‐market telecom reforms. Using an original dataset for 189 countries between 1970 and 2003 and event history analysis, I demonstrate that membership in key liberal trading organizations, especially the WTO and the OECD, increases the likelihood that countries will adopt liberal pro‐market reforms in telecommunications. These results speak directly to current public policy debates about the reregulation of global markets and bridges the literatures of policy diffusion, institutional design, and regulatory regimes. 相似文献