DIVORCED PARENTS' FINANCIAL SUPPORT OF THEIR CHILDREN'S COLLEGE EXPENSES

Reliable, quantitative, and current information is needed to inform the policy debate about whether parents, most commonly noncustodial parents, should be compelled to provide support for their children's higher education. We report data from a large study of the financial support college students reported receiving from their divorced mothers and fathers in a state where such payment is completely voluntary. Mothers' and fathers' financial resources did not differ greatly; when these were statistically controlled for, mothers and fathers contributed remarkably similar amounts of college support. Among other findings, fathers contributed more proportionately than mothers in families that had joint legal custody but less in sole maternal custody families. Our findings suggest policies that will likely encourage more voluntary support for higher education from divorced families.     

Kampf um Souveränität?

The article documents a panel debate held at the Kiel congress of the German Political Science Association (DVPW) in September 2009. With its Lisbon judgment passed in June 2009, the German Federal Constitutional Court delivered a groundbreaking decision on Germany’s involvement in the European integration process. The Court ruled that the German accompanying law (Begleitgesetz) violated the national constitution because it did not guarantee sufficient parliamentary involvement. Furthermore, the Court announced its intention to intensify the constitutional control of the national applicability of European legal acts (the ultra vires control and the identity control). Stephan Leibfried, Marcus Höreth, Martin Höpner, Fritz W. Scharpf and Michael Zürn discuss the judgment with respect to its implications for the further integration process, for the national and supranational capacities to act, for the democratic quality in the European multilevel system and for political-economic problems.     

Serving many masters: Public accountability in private policy implementation

In recent decades, the introduction of market principles has transformed public service delivery into a hybrid. However, little is known about how these changes are reflected in the attitudes of private implementing agents: The hybridization literature neglects individuals, and street‐level bureaucracy research has disregarded hybridization. This article extends Hupe and Hill's ( 2007 ) accountability regimes framework to introduce the market as an additional accountability regime alongside state, profession, and society. Using a configurational approach, the article explores how public and private food safety inspectors in Switzerland perceive the multiple norms for behavior stemming from their environment. Results suggest that the plural accountabilities of for‐profit street‐level bureaucrats can increase the dilemmas involved in their work. Under certain circumstances, for‐profit street‐level bureaucrats have particular difficulties reconciling rule pressure with market incentives and client demands. The extended accountability regimes framework fruitfully captures such dilemmas and helps identify suitable governance responses.     

“Boundary Delineation” in grenzüberschreitenden Policy‐Netzwerken: Primat der “Policies” oder der “Polity”? Das Fallbeispiel des Policy‐Netzwerks zur 28‐Tonnen‐Limite

Zur Analyse neuer Verhandlungssysteme der Politikformulierung hat sich seit Mitte der 1980er Jahre das Konzept der Policy‐Netzwerke herausge‐bildet. Verschiedentlich wurde diesen Netzwerkkonzepten in der Literatur vorgeworfen, dass bei dynamischen networking‐Prozessen nicht zwischen inhaltlichen und institutionell geprägten Aktivitäten unterschieden werden kann. Inwiefern sich diese These aufrecht erhalten lässt und welche Implikationen sie für die Ausdifferenzierung von grenzüberschreitenden Netzwerken birgt, ist Gegenstand des vorliegenden Beitrags. Die quantitative Netzwerkanalyse der schweizerischen Schwerverkehrspolitik im europäischen Umfeld über drei Phasen hinweg stützt die Institutionalismus‐These, wonach sich das grenzüberschreitende Netzwerk entlang der staatsrechtlich‐institutionellen Dimensionen Schweiz‐EU sowie staatlich‐parastaatlich/privat ausdifferenzierte. Die Sektorzugehörigkeit dagegen wirkte in dieser Konstellation erst innerhalb formal‐institutionell definierter Strukturen differenzierend.     

Verfahrenseinstellung als Verfolgungshindernis nach Art 54 SDÜ

Art 54 SDü ist als m?gliches Verfolgungshindernis bei der Beurteilung der Tat dann beachtlich, wenn er im Zeitpunkt der Urteilsf?llung in den relevanten Mitgliedstaaten in Geltung stand. Eine Verfahrenseinstellung entfaltet keine Sperrwirkung iSd Art 54 SDü, wenn sie nach dem Recht des Mitgliedstaates, in dem das Verfahren eingestellt wurde, kein Hindernis für eine neue Strafverfolgung wegen der- selben Tat bildet. § 226 FinStrG ist im Verh?ltnis zu § 288 Abs 2 Z 3 StPO als lex specialis auf das Vorgehen des OGH nach einer erfolgreichen Nichtigkeitsbeschwerde bezogen.     

Socio-political change and crime

This article offers an epistimological approach to criminological inquiry that draws on political and economic perspectives to create a theoretical context for hate crimes and xenophobia in contemporary Germany. The paper concludes that criminology as a discipline may be inadequate to grasp the complexities of criminal interactions and that criminology must draw heavily on the perspectives of other disciplines. Ultimately, it may be more important to illicit ideas rather than attempt to know the truth. The author wishes to note that this paper draws on an earlier published work and was constructed post facto from his comments and presentation at the conference.     

Democratic Policy in Europe

Abstract: This article examines the implications of European integration for democratic self-determination. Distinguishing between the dimensions of 'autonomy' and 'effectiveness', it is argued that autonomous processes of democratic participation, public discourse and democratic accountability have not yet been established on the European level. On the other hand, the effectiveness of democratic self-determination at the national level is increasingly constrained by processes of economic globalisation and even more so by the completion of the European internal market. At the same time, however, conflicts of interest among the Member States of the European Union often stand in the way of effective European problem-solving in those areas where the nation-state is losing control. It is argued, therefore, that it would be desirable to allow greater legal scope to national policy choices by limiting the reach of 'negative integration' and European competition law in those areas where the Union itself, for political reasons, is incapable of effective action.