全文获取类型
收费全文 | 23875篇 |
免费 | 611篇 |
国内免费 | 5篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 1073篇 |
工人农民 | 832篇 |
世界政治 | 1846篇 |
外交国际关系 | 895篇 |
法律 | 14202篇 |
中国共产党 | 43篇 |
中国政治 | 192篇 |
政治理论 | 4985篇 |
综合类 | 423篇 |
出版年
2020年 | 281篇 |
2019年 | 324篇 |
2018年 | 432篇 |
2017年 | 513篇 |
2016年 | 544篇 |
2015年 | 397篇 |
2014年 | 464篇 |
2013年 | 2415篇 |
2012年 | 609篇 |
2011年 | 632篇 |
2010年 | 534篇 |
2009年 | 569篇 |
2008年 | 656篇 |
2007年 | 673篇 |
2006年 | 647篇 |
2005年 | 558篇 |
2004年 | 558篇 |
2003年 | 565篇 |
2002年 | 532篇 |
2001年 | 921篇 |
2000年 | 835篇 |
1999年 | 687篇 |
1998年 | 353篇 |
1997年 | 332篇 |
1996年 | 269篇 |
1995年 | 278篇 |
1994年 | 321篇 |
1993年 | 285篇 |
1992年 | 469篇 |
1991年 | 508篇 |
1990年 | 454篇 |
1989年 | 479篇 |
1988年 | 444篇 |
1987年 | 453篇 |
1986年 | 476篇 |
1985年 | 437篇 |
1984年 | 392篇 |
1983年 | 418篇 |
1982年 | 318篇 |
1981年 | 304篇 |
1980年 | 233篇 |
1979年 | 332篇 |
1978年 | 220篇 |
1977年 | 195篇 |
1976年 | 182篇 |
1975年 | 179篇 |
1974年 | 210篇 |
1973年 | 184篇 |
1972年 | 166篇 |
1971年 | 144篇 |
排序方式: 共有10000条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
921.
Matthew J. Lebo Adam J. McGlynn Gregory Koger 《American journal of political science》2007,51(3):464-481
Why does the influence of Congressional parties fluctuate over time? Building on prevailing answers, we develop a model, Strategic Party Government, which highlights the electoral motives of legislative parties and the strategic interaction between parties. We test this theory using the entire range of House and Senate party behavior from 1789 to 2000 and find that the strategic behavior of parties complements members' preferences as an explanation for variation in party influence. Specifically, the strongest predictors of one party's voting unity are the unity of the opposing party and the difference between the parties in the preceding year. Moreover, we find strong links between party behavior in Congress and electoral outcomes: an increase in partisan influence on legislative voting has adverse electoral costs, while winning contested votes has electoral benefits. 相似文献
922.
Chris W. Bonneau Thomas H. Hammond Forrest Maltzman Paul J. Wahlbeck 《American journal of political science》2007,51(4):890-905
Some scholars argue that the author of the majority opinion exercises the most influence over the Court's opinion-writing process and so can determine what becomes Court policy, at least within the limits of what some Court majority finds acceptable. Other students of the Court have suggested that the Court's median justice effectively dictates the content of the majority opinion: whatever policy the median justice most wants, she can get. We test these competing models with data on Supreme Court decision making during the Burger Court (1969–86). While we find substantial evidence for both models, the agenda control model gains greater support. This suggests that opinions on the Court on each case are driven, in general, by the interaction of three key variables: the policy preferences of the majority opinion author, the policy preferences of the median justice, and the location of the legal status quo . 相似文献
923.
Mark C. Long 《Public administration review》2007,67(2):315-330
University administrators have made difficult choices in response to the changing policy context for the use of affirmative action in admissions. This paper synthesizes the empirical literature on affirmative action and evaluates the efficacy of alternative strategies, including top-percent programs, class-based affirmative action, and targeted recruiting. The analyses offer several findings of interest to officials who direct such programs: (1) Affirmative action preferences given by top-tier universities have been large; (2) affirmative action leads minorities to enroll in higher-quality institutions; and (3) affirmative action has mostly positive effects on minority students later in life. The evidence shows a decline in minorities' relative share of enrollment at flagship public universities after affirmative action was eliminated in several states, and the alternative strategies used by these universities have not offset these declines. 相似文献
924.
Mark G. Duggan Melissa Schettini Kearney 《Journal of policy analysis and management》2007,26(4):861-886
We use data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) to investigate the impact that child Supplemental Security Income (SSI) enrollment has on household outcomes, including poverty, household earnings, and health insurance coverage. The longitudinal nature of the SIPP allows us to control for unobserved, time‐invariant differences across households by measuring outcomes in the same household in the months leading up to and immediately following the first reporting of child SSI income. Our regression analyses demonstrate that for every $100 increase in household SSI income, total household income increases by roughly $72, reflecting some modest offset of other transfer income and conditional household earnings. Our analyses further demonstrate that child SSI enrollment is associated with a statistically significant and persistent reduction in the probability that a child lives in poverty of roughly 11 percentage points. Additional analyses suggest that program enrollment has virtually no impact on health insurance coverage because most new SSI recipients have health insurance from Medicaid or another source at the time of enrollment. © 2007 by the Association for Public Policy Analysis and Management 相似文献
925.
Does environmental lobbying affect the probability of environmental treaty ratification? Does the level of government corruption play a role for the success of such lobbying? In this paper, we propose that a more corruptible government may be more responsive to the demands of the environmental lobby. We use several stratified hazard models and panel data from 170 countries on the timing of Kyoto Protocol ratification to test this hypothesis. We find that increased environmental lobby group activity raises the probability of ratification, and the effect rises with the degree of corruption. 相似文献
926.
Raymond J. Struyk 《公共行政管理与发展》2007,27(1):63-83
While much of the implementation literature over the past several decades has recognised the importance of context (e.g. in issues of institutional culture, degree of hierarchy), little of the literature comparing the results of numerous program implementation experiences examines the experience of non‐Western contexts. This study seeks to partially fill this gap by applying the ‘conventional wisdom’ of implementation theory to program implementation experience in Russia. We analyse the implementation of 18 demonstration projects in Russia against 9 success factors identified in the implementation literature. Most of the pilots involved multiple cities; so there are a total of 48 city‐case observations to study. Overall, the findings are that the factors associated with successful program implementation among OECD countries are also those at work in Russia's transitional economy. The weights associated with the various factors may differ, however. One could imagine, for example, that political support counts for more in Russia than in the western local governments. One might also believe that opportunities for learning from other implementers could be more important in the West, where professional associations are more highly developed. The core finding of consistency should be valuable to administrators across transitional economies who can now refer to the rich findings of implementation research with greater confidence of its applicability to their programs. Perhaps equally important is the finding that some of the same factors predominantly associated with successful or troubled implementation in Russia have similar effects in implementation examples drawn from transition and developing nations; there are, however, some important differences. Copyright © 2006 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
927.
In 2003 the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina was characterised by international community (IC) dominance. The IC provided the vast majority of the analysis of problems facing the country and drafted many of the laws. This article documents developments from fall 2003 to fall 2006 in the use of evidence and analysis in the policy development process and the role of local policy research organisations (PROs—often called think tanks) in it. The likely relation between these changes and the activities of a PRO mentoring project that operated over the same period is also assessed. Evidence comes as a series of interviews in both years with government officials and members of parliament, on the one hand, and leaders of PROs and advocacy NGOs on the other. The broad picture that emerges from the above review is of a substantial positive development in the policy development process in Bosnia and Herzegovina over the period. Factual evidence and analysis are playing a much greater role, and PROs have been a major provider of this information. The evidence indicates that PROs have been successful in convincing the policy community that they are purveyors of objective, disinterested advice and analysis. The improvements occurred in a conducive environment that steadily placed greater responsibility for policy formation on Bosnian officials. Copyright © 2007 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
928.
The original article to which this Erratum refers was published in the Journal of Policy Analysis and Management 25(2), 463–490. 相似文献
929.
930.