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951.
This study investigates media priming effects in the context of a Summit meeting of European Union (EU) leaders. It differs
in four ways from most previous non-experimental priming studies: (1) it provides survey data accompanied by a content analysis
of the news, (2) it compares priming effects on evaluations of a number of political leaders, who differed in their visibility
in the news, (3) it involves an issue with low salience, and (4) it studies priming effects in the context of a European Parliamentary
democracy. The study involves a two-wave panel study (before and after the Summit) on a representative sample of 817 Dutch
adults, and a content analysis of the newspaper and television news in the 8 weeks leading up to the Summit meeting. The study
shows that media priming effects occur only for the politicians who appeared visible in the news in connection with the issue.
The media priming effects were not significantly moderated by political attentiveness or by political knowledge. We also explore
the aggregate level consequences of priming for the popularity of leaders, and demonstrate that, as a result of media priming,
two politicians became more popular, despite having received a bad press.
相似文献
Wouter van der BrugEmail: |
952.
Matthew B. Crawford 《Society》2007,44(6):131-136
Biotechnological enhancement of human capabilities reveals a characteristically modern stance toward nature: Human nature,
as given, is an impediment to be overcome on the way to full human freedom. As a form of metaphysical partisanship, the biotech
enterprise seems to further the political intention of Thomas Hobbes to nullify human diversity. Commerce in biotech enhancements,
and the individual liberty such commerce instantiates, is likely to have the ironic effect of psychic homogenization.
相似文献
Matthew B. CrawfordEmail: |
953.
Consultation of scientific evidence by policy actors has been the foci of attention of knowledge utilization scholars for decades. The present study questioned the extent to which randomized controlled trials (RCTs)—generally seen as the gold standard of scientific research—are known and consulted by policy analysts in ministerial settings. Using cross‐sectional data collected in 17 ministries in Québec (Canada), our study showed that fairly high levels of policy analysts report never having heard of RCTs, thus possibly hindering effective communication of scientific results to relevant policy makers. Statistical analyses reveal the importance of cognitive factors in explaining both phenomena. 相似文献
954.
It is common wisdom that public sector wages are not determined in the same way as private sector wages. At the same time, the empirical evidence available for OECD countries finds a strong positive correlation between public and private sector wages. In this paper, we develop a model that is consistent with a political economy view of the determination of public sector wages and employment, while being consistent with the said empirical evidence. Public finance constraints are crucial: In booms, governments expand employment and wages, while in downturns, lack of tax revenues forces the government to cut back the wage bill. 相似文献
955.
Andrés J Picazo-Tadeo Francisco González-Gómez Jorge Guardiola Wanden-Berghe Alberto Ruiz-Villaverde 《Public Choice》2012,151(1-2):215-228
This paper studies the influence of ideology and political motives on the choice of management for urban water services. Our contribution is two-fold. Firstly, we use a considerably more detailed set of variables to represent ideological and political motives than previous research. Secondly, the variables that explain local politicians’ decisions are observed at the time decision-making occurs, rather than at a later date. Beyond pragmatic reasons, we find that ideological and political motives also matter when explaining decisions regarding the management of water services. Furthermore, considering the time dimension of decision-making noticeably improves the explanatory power of our model. 相似文献
956.
Cognitive biases are heuristics that shape individual preferences and decisions in a way that is at odds with means‐end rationality. The effects of cognitive biases on governing are underexplored. The authors study how election administrators’ cognitive biases shape their preferences for e‐voting technology using data from a national survey of local election officials. The technology acceptance model, which employs a rational, means‐end perspective, suggests that the perceived benefits of e‐voting machines explain their popularity. But findings indicate that cognitive biases also play a role, even after controlling for the perceived benefits and costs of the technology. The findings point to a novel cognitive bias that is of particular interest to research on e‐government: officials who have a general faith in technology are attracted to more innovative alternatives. The authors also find that local election officials who prefer e‐voting machines do so in part because they overvalue the technology they already possess and because they are overly confident in their own judgment. 相似文献
957.
George L. Priest 《Society》2012,49(3):216-222
958.
959.
960.
Techniques for conducting elections developed since 1800 have raised a question about the soundness of the American framers’
majoritarianism. John Stuart Mill notably argued that the framers’ desire to reward merit, as opposed to party loyalty, would
be better served by a system of proportional representation that gave deserving minorities a voice. This article considers
the likelihood that a system such as Mill proposed would have the results he hoped for; it concludes that such a system is
more likely to worsen problems with the existing system of representation than to solve them. 相似文献