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221.
This article combines concepts from political sociology with evidence from newspaper reports, insurgent and state documents, and ethnographic studies in order to understand the nature of the Maoist insurgency in India. The first section argues that the insurgency should be conceptualized as a state building enterprise rather than organized crime. It demonstrates that both insurgent violence and fundraising serve, on the whole, the collective interests of the state building enterprise – i.e., to consolidate insurgent control in their base areas – rather than the private interests of individual insurgents. The second section seeks to understand how Maoist state builders undermine and fragment the Indian state’s monopoly of the means of violence and administration in areas where they operate. In some areas the state is totally absent, while in others the state forms alliances with the insurgents at the local level in order to maintain the semblance of a sovereign and democratic ruler.  相似文献   
222.
Abstract

This study examines racial and ethnic differences in the success of Section 8 Existing Housing Program enrollees in using rental vouchers and certificates. The study uses data from a sample of large urban public housing authorities (PHAs) collected by Abt Associates for the Housing Voucher Demonstration.

The study finds that, excluding one site, average success rates for whites, blacks, and Hispanics are quite similar. However, minority success rates are significantly higher than nonminority success rates in some sites, and significantly lower in others. The racial and ethnic differences in success rates appear to be related to the proportion of enrollees in each program that were nonminority. Nonminority whites tend to be less successful than blacks or Hispanics in sites where most enrollees are minority, and more successful in sites where most enrollees are white. We believe this may reflect low enrollee success rates in searching for units outside the Section 8 submarket, as defined by existing recipients.  相似文献   
223.
Carl Schmitt: Theorist for the Reich. By Joseph W. Bendersky. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1983. Pp.xiv + 320. £20.50.

Der Leviathan in der Staatslehre des Thomas Hobbes. Sinn und Fehlschlag eines politischen Symbols. By Carl Schmitt. Koln: Hohenheim Verlag, 1982 (reprint of the 1938 edition). Pp.244. DM34.80.

Land und Meer. Eine weltgeschichtliche Betrachtung. By Carl Schmitt. Köln: Hohenheim Verlag, 1981 (reprint of the 1942 edition). Pp.107. DM18.  相似文献   
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The standard appreciation of Neville Chamberlain's attitude towards the United States and its relationship to Britain's strategic position in the interwar most often begins its analysis with his becoming Prime Minister in 1937. Those works make it appear as if the man never considered what the strategic worth of the United States was until that moment. This article argues that to do so misses the vital influences and the legacy of Chamberlain's important formative years as Chancellor of the Exchequer. It was in that role, and in particular during the confrontational era of negotiations concerning war debts in the period between 1932 and 1934, that his perceptions of the worth of the United States were influenced greatly. This article hopes to redirect future studies of Chamberlain's strategic thinking toward the idea of looking at the formulation of that strategic thinking in a more comprehensive fashion.  相似文献   
227.
Ex-offenders have experienced both a loss of certain civil rights and employment discrimination in the past and continuing research is necessary if their problems are to be dealt with effectively. One hundred eighty-three subjects, representing four occupational categories, were exposed to a personnel management problem involving either an ex-offender, an ex-mental patient, an obese person, or a neutral, nonstigmatized person in order to measure relative discrimination. The ex-offenders fared no worse than the others. There was a relationship, however, between subjects' occupational identification and degree of discrimination toward each of the stigmatized persons. Implications for criminal justice and social policy are discussed.  相似文献   
228.
The purpose of this article is to compare policewomen with policemen regarding their attitudes toward handling family fights, specifically, toward handling spouse abuse. Sixty-two policewomen responded to a questionnaire measuring their involvement, or professional concern about family fights. As hypothesized, policewomen scored significantly higher on this variable (rpb = + .43). Although sample differences in education and other demographic variables accounted in part for this finding, police-officer gender correlated with involvement even when all other variables were controlled for. There was some evidence that identification with a feminist point-of-view and concern for the battered women were significant intervening variables that explained why policewomen scored higher on involvement. It was also found that policewomen and policemen differed in their perceptions of how policewomen handle family fights. Policemen tended to view policewomen as lacking assertiveness, while policewomen viewed themselves as more patient and understanding, and as less likely to escalate a conflict. The results of this study support the findings of an earlier study in which women in shelter homes described policewomen as more likely than male officers to be informative, to take time to listen, and to provide helpful information. It is suggested that the results of the current study could provide a basis for discussion among mixed groups of police officers concerning various approaches to handling family fights.  相似文献   
229.
Of concern to many who study criminality of all kinds is the high level of known abuse in a climate of noninvolvement by others. The research reported in this paper clearly indicates that noninvolvement in spousal assault cases is not dependent on low levels of knowledge of the problem, as many people admit to being aware of its occurrence among relatives, friends, and neighbors. This knowledge does vary, however, by location of the respondents with strong effects of nonmetropolitan residents expressing greater knowledge of the occurrence of this violence than people living in urban areas. We find this in the context of lower levels of self-reported victimization. It could be that these lower levels reflect a reluctance on the part of nonmetropolitan women to admit to researchers that they are victims of this problem. Or, it could suggest that these women have access to a more intricate network of support from friends and family who become involved in discussing this problem with the victims and helping them to reduce its incidence.  相似文献   
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