Science governance and the politics of proper talk: governmental bioethics as a new technology of reflexive government

Abstract

The article examines the emergence of governmental bioethics in Great Britain, France and Germany, i.e. bodies, discourses and procedures meant to guide policy-making in terms of ethical considerations. It argues that governmental bioethics, marked by openness, transparency and participation, can be understood as a form of reflexive government in the realm of science governance. It grew out of the problematization of older forms of science governance based on ideas of effectiveness, scientific expertise and system stability, and operates through structuring and managing proper talk rather than intervening in processes of techno-scientific development. Yet, rather than challenging the commitment to techno-scientific ‘progress’, it stabilizes it through mechanisms of inclusion, involvement and mobilization: within the framework of proper ethical talk, participation can be employed to pursue rather than oppose system stability.     

Arenen des demokratischen Experimentalismus. Zur Konvergenz von nordamerikanischem und französischem Pragmatismus

In their works on The public and its problems and Politics of nature John Dewey and Bruno Latour develop theoretical models of a democratic experimentalism. Taking their assumptions as a base, this paper examines the thesis of a convergence of North American and French pragmatism. This thesis is supported not only by further analogies in the works of Dewey and Latour, but also by the pragmatic sociology of justification upheld by Luc Boltanski and Laurent Thévenot, which can be on the one hand integrated into the frame-work of Latour’s theory on democratic experimentalism. On the other hand, comparisons can readily be drawn to the pragmatic theory of social worlds and arenas of Anselm L. Strauss. The theories differ in respect to their expectations as to whether, where and how social arenas are formed, once different social worlds and conventions come into critical conflict with each other and need to be rearranged by experimental processes. However, any remaining disparity in the assumptions regarding such arena figurations of democratic experimentalism could definitely have a stimulating effect on their empirical cartography and analysis.     

Between a Rock and a Hard Place: The Grand Coalition's Response to the Economic Crisis

The German grand coalition's track record with regard to managing the financial crisis is mixed. The government has spent enormous amounts of money to prevent a breakdown of the banking system and to cushion the effects of the recession. It was at least partially successful as these programmes indeed prevented collapses of banks as well as bank runs, kept unemployment relatively low and somewhat mitigated the recession. Nonetheless, at least some of the crisis policies lacked coherence, particularly with regard to the bank rescue packages. The reason is that even in the face of a systemic banking crisis and a GDP decline of 5 per cent, programmatic differences between the coalition partners have not disappeared and became manifest in government policies.     

The Identity of Turkey: Muslim and secular

Abstract

This article analyses the rise of political Islam in Turkey in the context of the akp's tenure in power with reference to complex social, economic, historical and ideational factors. It aims to answer one of the key questions, which has wider implications for the West and Islamic world: ‘having experienced the bad and good of the West in secularism and democracy’, as claimed by Samuel Huntington's ‘clash of civilisations’ thesis, is Turkey in transition from a secular to an Islamic state? The article first questions Turkey's ‘bridge’ or ‘torn-country’ status and then explains the akp's ambivalent policies towards religious and identity issues in relation to the increased public visibility of Islam and a ‘performative reflexivity’ of ‘Muslim-selves’. It concludes that the real issue at stake is not the assumed clash of secular and Muslim identities but the complex of interdependence between Islam, secularism and democratisation in Turkey.     

The Short‐Term Effects of Mediation on Low‐Intensity Civil Wars

International diplomacy, to the extent it is effective, should not only prevent escalation of low‐intensity conflict, but should also facilitate de‐escalation. This article focuses on the short‐term effects of managing low‐intensity civil wars through third‐party mediation. Specifically, we compare the efficacy of third party‐mediated direct (face‐to‐face) and indirect talks in low‐intensity civil wars from 1993 to 2004 using the Managing Intrastate Low‐Intensity Conflict data set. We argue that a focus on short‐term success is valid because of the relationship among mediation, short‐term success, humanitarian aid access, and peacebuilding. We also assess the roles of mediator identity, mediation strategy (behavior focus versus incompatibility focus), peace agreements, war type, per capita gross domestic product, level of democracy, and conflict duration. Our overarching finding is that direct forms of mediation in which all parties meet face to face were the most likely to yield short‐term success in the sample of civil wars that we analyzed.     

Working from strengths to assess changes in gender equality

This paper describes an empirical application of a strengths-based approach (SBA) to assess changes in gender equality, and draws out implications for research, evaluation, and wider development practice. We outline what constitutes a strengths-based approach and present a case study where a participatory methodology informed by appreciative inquiry was used to investigate gender outcomes of two water, sanitation, and hygiene-focused development initiatives. We consider the value and limitations of taking an explicitly strengths-based approach to assessing gender outcomes, and also propose that there are important arguments for why SBAs might be usefully applied in addressing (not just assessing) gender equality.

Travailler à partir des forces pour évaluer les changements sur le plan de l'égalité entre les sexes

Ce document décrit une application empirique d'une approche fondée sur les forces (AFF) pour évaluer les changements sur le plan de l'égalité entre les sexes, et en tire les implications pour les recherches, l'évaluation et les pratiques plus générales en matière de développement. Nous décrivons ce qui constitue une approche fondée sur les forces et présentons une étude de cas dans laquelle une méthodologie participative éclairée par une enquête appréciative a été utilisée pour examiner les résultats sur le plan du genre de deux initiatives portant sur l'eau, l'assainissement et l'hygiène. Nous considérons la valeur et les limites de l'adoption d'une approche expressément fondée sur les forces pour évaluer les résultats sur le plan du genre, et avançons par ailleurs qu'il y a des arguments importants concernant les raisons pour lesquelles les ABS pourraient être utilement appliquées au moment de tenter d'obtenir (et pas seulement d'évaluer) l'égalité entre les sexes.

Evaluando cambios en la igualdad de género a partir de las fortalezas

El presente artículo examina la aplicación empírica de un enfoque basado en fortalezas (SBA por sus siglas en inglés), destinado a valorar cambios en la igualdad de género y a analizar sus implicaciones en la investigación, la evaluación y las prácticas más generales relacionadas con el desarrollo. Las autoras hacen un bosquejo de lo que constituye un SBA. Presentan un estudio de caso en el que se utilizó una metodología participativa a partir de una investigación apreciativa, con el objetivo de realizar una pesquisa en torno a los resultados vinculados al género obtenidos en dos iniciativas de desarrollo enfocadas en agua, saneamiento e higiene. Asimismo, examinan el valor y las limitaciones implicadas en el uso explícito de un SBA para valorar los resultados relacionados con el género, sosteniendo que existen razones importantes para defender la utilización del SBA con el fin de obtener (y no sólo valorar) la igualdad de género.

Trabalhando a partir dos pontos fortes para avaliar mudanças na igualdade de gênero

Este artigo descreve uma aplicação empírica de uma abordagem baseada nos pontos fortes (SBA) para avaliar mudanças na igualdade de gênero e extrai as implicações para a pesquisa, avaliação e prática de desenvolvimento mais geral. Esboçamos o que constitui uma abordagem baseada nos pontos fortes e apresentamos um estudo de caso onde uma metodologia participativa com informações de uma investigação apreciativa foi utilizada para examinar os resultados de gênero de duas iniciativas de desenvolvimento focalizadas no fornecimento de água, saneamento e higiene. Consideramos o valor e as limitações de se adotar uma abordagem explicitamente baseada nos pontos fortes para avaliar os resultados de gênero e também propomos que há argumentos importantes que explicam por que as SBAs podem ser utilmente aplicadas na abordagem da igualdade de gênero (não apenas avaliando).     

Community health workers – motivation and incentives

The Community Health Worker (CHW) literature is expansive, covering more than 30 years of interest in the concept. Despite this, understanding of CHW motivation and the effectiveness of monetary incentives is limited. Using self-determination theory (SDT) as an explanatory framework, the article outlines some of the roles and functions that CHWs have filled within health and community systems, CHW motivation, and how different factors either enhance or detract from this.

Agents de santé communautaires – motivation et incitations

Les documents portant sur les agents de santé communautaires (ASC) sont nombreux et couvrent plus de 30 ans d'intérêt dans ce concept. En dépit de cela, la compréhension de la motivation des ASC et de l'efficacité des incitations monétaires est limitée. En utilisant la théorie de l'autodétermination (TAD) comme cadre explicatif, cet article présente quelques-uns des rôles et des fonctions que les ASC ont remplis dans le cadre de systèmes sanitaires et communautaires, la motivation des ASC et la manière dont différents facteurs soit la renforcent soit l'affaiblissent.

Trabajadores de salud comunitarios - motivación e incentivos

Existen numerosas investigaciones sobre los trabajadores de salud comunitarios (tsc), que abarcan los más de 30 años durante los cuales el concepto ha sido objeto de estudio. A pesar de lo anterior, las motivaciones de los tsc y la eficacia de los incentivos monetarios no son ampliamente comprendidas. Con el apoyo de la teoría de la autodeterminación como marco analítico, el presente artículo expone algunos de los roles y de las funciones desempeñados por los tsc en los sistemas de salud comunitarios, así como las motivaciones que los impulsan, analizando, a la vez, los distintos factores que alientan o desincentivan tales motivaciones.

Trabalhadores comunitários da saúde – motivação e incentivos

A literatura sobre Trabalhadores Comunitários da Saúde (TCSs) é extensa, abrangendo mais de 30 anos de interesse no conceito. Apesar disto, o entendimento sobre a motivação dos TCSs e da efetividade de incentivos monetários é limitado. Utilizando a Teoria da Auto-Determinação (TAD) como estrutura explicativa, o artigo apresenta algumas das tarefas e funções que os TCSs têm realizado dentro dos sistemas de saúde e comunidade, a motivação dos TCSs e como fatores diferentes melhoram ou agravam a partir disto.     

The predicament of elections in war-torn societies

Why do elections held in the shadow of civil wars sometimes generate more violence in already war-torn societies, while in other circumstances they do not? This article develops a conceptual framework based on three clusters of factors to analyse the conflict-generating aspects of elections in war-torn societies: the key actors in the electoral processes; the institutions of elections; and the stakes of the elections. Two types of war-related elections are distinguished: elections held during an ongoing civil war, and elections held in the post-war period when peace is to be implemented. While different in many respects, the two contexts share critical characteristics through their association with the legacy of warfare. Several important implications emerge from the analysis. First, relating to militant and violent actors, incentive structures need to be altered by addressing both the opportunities and means of violence. Second, to prevent inducements for violent behaviour, institutional arrangements – including electoral commissions – have to be crafted with consideration given to local conflict dynamics and the history of violent conflict. Finally, the stakes of elections in war-shattered societies can be reduced through, for instance, constitutional pact-making and the oversight of external actors in electoral processes.     

Democratization and Transitional Justice

Any country which attempts to establish accountability for past abuses of human rights during the process of democratization faces political, judicial, and ethical problems. With regard to politics, the question of which transitional justice measures are appropriate, functional, and feasible has to be decided for every individual case. A judicial approach has to decide which judicial standards to apply and how to justify prosecution. Finally, the ethical dilemmas of dealing with historical injustices have to be understood. There are no ready-made concepts to define guilt and justice. In many cases it is even difficult to tell the victims from the perpetrators. This study examines the different strategies subsumed under the term ‘transitional justice’ used by emerging democracies to deal with a legacy of human rights abuses. It explores the problems and challenges posed by different mechanisms of reconciliation and societal reintegration. While existing analyses of the contribution that transitional justice measures make to the process of social re-integration stress the importance of consensus among citizens and social groups for the emergence of trust and solidarity, this study suggests also thinking about how conflicts over competing ‘truths’ can help to build social capital and reconciliation. Noting a global diffusion of international legal norms, which means at least formal universal acceptance of basic rights and judicial procedures, it is argued that international justice cannot be a substitute for transitional justice measures taken by the domestic regime itself.     

Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons

The viability of the thesis that liberalization and democracy foster peace, security and development is at stake. The main critique is that more liberties and elections lead to more conflict and abuses of power. There are three principal responses to this critique. The liberal argument calls for improving the democratic institutions; the institutions first thesis prioritizes strengthening the rule of law and state capacity over democracy; whilst the transformation argument proposes using fledgling democracy to foster gradually more favourable relations of power and popular capacity towards more substantial democracy. This article analyses the relevance of these theses to the remarkable dynamics of peace-building in Aceh, from the introduction of Indonesian democracy in 1998, the impact of the tsunami in 2004 and the Helsinki peace agreement in 2005 to the general elections in 2009. The study concludes that the liberal argument is congruous with the democratic opportunities for peace, while the institutions first and the transformation arguments give prominence to the dynamics that made peace-building possible but also difficult. While the institutions first argument responds to these difficulties by resorting to power sharing, the transformation thesis proposes more citizen participation coupled with interest and issue group representation.