Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons

The viability of the thesis that liberalization and democracy foster peace, security and development is at stake. The main critique is that more liberties and elections lead to more conflict and abuses of power. There are three principal responses to this critique. The liberal argument calls for improving the democratic institutions; the institutions first thesis prioritizes strengthening the rule of law and state capacity over democracy; whilst the transformation argument proposes using fledgling democracy to foster gradually more favourable relations of power and popular capacity towards more substantial democracy. This article analyses the relevance of these theses to the remarkable dynamics of peace-building in Aceh, from the introduction of Indonesian democracy in 1998, the impact of the tsunami in 2004 and the Helsinki peace agreement in 2005 to the general elections in 2009. The study concludes that the liberal argument is congruous with the democratic opportunities for peace, while the institutions first and the transformation arguments give prominence to the dynamics that made peace-building possible but also difficult. While the institutions first argument responds to these difficulties by resorting to power sharing, the transformation thesis proposes more citizen participation coupled with interest and issue group representation.     

The political consequences of reintegration programmes in current peace-building: a framework for analysis

This article demonstrates how democracy and peace-building can interlink at the micro-level, as demobilisation, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) programmes feed into democratisation via their rarely studied political impact among individual ex-combatants. Using the reintegration experiences of ex-combatants in Liberia and the literature on policy feedback, this article demonstrates the varying impacts of current peace-building on the politics of ex-combatants, and develops a framework to analyse this relationship further in other cases. This theoretical framework offers a tool to grapple with and make sense of the political consequences of DDR, thereby clarifying how reintegration programmes structure and condition the ex-combatants' continued political voice. In particular, it is suggested that reintegration programmes influence the politics of ex-combatants either through resources obtained in the programmes, enabling access to politics in a different way, or through their institutional design and procedural traits, offering cognitive cues that either emphasise democratic norms or promote conflict in politics at large.     

Increased Voting for Candidates Who Compensate Victims Rather than Punish Offenders

Three studies demonstrate that people are more likely to vote for political candidates who respond to injustice in a compensatory rather than punitive manner. Participants were more likely to vote for candidates who responded to various transgressions (the Darfur crisis, campus bike theft, and domestic violence) by compensating victims (or simultaneously compensating victims and punishing perpetrators) rather than solely punishing the perpetrator or not responding. Furthermore, participants’ perceptions of candidates’ warmth (but not competence) mediated the relationship between punishing versus compensating and voting.     

Sino–Russian Relations at the Start of the New Millennium in Central Asia and Beyond

Sino–Russian relations have swayed considerably in the second millennium. During the Yeltsin era, China–Russia relations were still strong, but this changed abruptly after Putin's accession to the presidency in 2000 and his initial pro-Western adventures. This was, in no small part, due to Russia's involvement in the war on terror, together with Russia's complicity in a US military presence in Central Asia which did not go down well in Beijing. Putin's domestic constituency found his swing into Washington's fold equally awkward, which created no small amount of criticism in Russia. Convinced that things could not get much worse, Putin's acceptance of NATO's expansion into the Baltics, his approval of US withdrawal from the ABM-treaty, and his quiet consent for an American military presence in Georgia raised additional fears in the Duma, within Russian public opinion, and to some extent among the Chinese. This was perceived as a direct surrender to American superiority and aggression, and it would not last for long.     

The state of public affairs in Austria

Following almost five decades of federal coalition government between Social Democrats and People's Party alongside an interest mediation system that gave exclusivity to only a few institutions, from 2000 to 2006, Austria underwent a rapid transformation in the direction of a pluralistic free-market interest mediation system. However, this short but intense interlude, which led to the development and establishment of professional public affairs in Austria, was stopped short by the return of the traditional Austrian interest mediation system. Following a series of so-called lobbying scandals, in 2013, Austria introduced a mandatory lobbying and interest representation register at the federal level. Two years earlier, the industry formed its own trade association, the Austrian Public Affairs Association. A study commissioned by this association has for the first time shed light on the young public affairs industry, its actors, and the working environment. Copyright © 2014 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.     

Gendered Justice Gaps in Bosnia–Herzegovina

A gendered reading of the liberal peacebuilding and transitional justice project in Bosnia–Herzegovina raises critical questions concerning the quality of the peace one hopes to achieve in transitional societies. By focusing on three-gendered justice gaps—the accountability, acknowledgement, and reparations gaps—this article examines structural constraints for women to engage in shaping and implementing transitional justice, and unmasks transitional justice as a site for the long-term construction of the gendered post-conflict order. Thus, the gendered dynamics of peacebuilding and transitional justice have produced a post-conflict order characterized by gendered peace and justice gaps. Yet, we conclude that women are doing justice within the Bosnian–Herzegovina transitional justice project, and that their presence and participation is complex, multilayered, and constrained yet critical.     

Female homicide offenders have greatly increased mortality from unnatural deaths

The mortality of female homicidal offenders has scarcely been studied. Our aim was to examine the mortality of homicidal women in Finland using a representative nation-wide material. The data consisted of all 132 women who underwent forensic psychiatric examinations after committing homicide or attempted homicide in 1982-1992. We analysed their rate and cause of death during follow-up using standardised mortality ratios (SMRs) and the official classification of death. The mean follow-up time for dead subjects was 7 years (S.D. 4), and for the rest 11 years (S.D. 3). There were 22 observed deaths, the expected value being 1.3 (SMR 17.4). The SMR for unnatural deaths was 226 and for suicides 425. The SMRs for women below 40 years were over 220. In conclusion, homicidal women have an over 200-fold risk of unnatural death, rising to over 400-fold for suicide. This should be taken into consideration in planning discharge programmes for homicidal offenders.     

Fatal intoxication due to excessive dichloromethane inhalation

A 22-year-old white male was found dead at his working place in a car lacquering company. He had removed lacquer residues by using a solvent containing dicloromethane (DCM) without using a gas mask. Pathology revealed signs of asphyxiation with obvious petechial bleedings and expressed microthrombosis of the pulmonary arteries. Toxicological analysis showed excessive concentrations of DCM which are inhaled due to exposure of extreme air concentrations.     

Computer aided shot reconstructions by means of individualized animated three-dimensional victim models

In cases of lethal firearm injuries with indefinite indications concerning self-versus third-party infliction a computer enhanced reconstruction with the aim of an anatomical feasibility study can provide significant clues concerning the course of the traumatic event.To this end an exact three-dimensional geometrical model of the victim including all relevant anatomical data as well as the careful documentation of the injuries and a three-dimensional model of the characteristic outlines of the weapon true to scale is generated with the help of an animation program (POSER Version 4, Meta Creation, Egisys AG).With this animated digital three-dimensional model of the victim and the weapon a series of simulation sequences is created by variation of the body positions and the grasp of the weapon. Anatomically impossible positions in view of the physical characteristics of the victim and the site and direction of the bullet path are automatically excluded from the reconstruction. An exact match of the simulation sequence and the real injuries is a statement for a possible self-infliction of the gunshot wound.