CDU refugee policies and the landesverband oder/neiße: Electoral tool or instrument of integration?

Despite the recognition that the integration of refugees and expellees into west Germany has been one of the success stories of the post‐war period, little light has been shed on the process of political integration of this group into the political system of the nascent Federal Republic. As the ‘newcomers’ were prevented from organising themselves in political or cultural organisations, the only legitimate way of exercising political influence was the way through the licensed parties. The CDU/CSU as a conglomerate of liberal and conservative traditions made use of its historic opportunity to adapt its flexible party apparatus and encourage refugee participation. Thereby, it made an important contribution to the political representation of refugee demands as well as attracting a large proportion of the newcomers’ votes.     

当代中国社会建设实践的基本特征

在中国特色社会主义事业的总体布局中,社会建设有着与经济建设、政治建设和文化建设截然不同的理论和实践特征,主要表现为:突出建设的社会性、强调治理的公共性、关注需求的日常性、关涉布局的综合性。这些在中国特色社会主义建设实践中日益凸显出来的基本特征表征着当代中国社会建设的专业化和自主化发展趋势,也体现了中国经济社会发展的全面性和科学性。     

欧洲Living Labs创新模式对中国城市管理科技应用园区建设的启示

信息技术融合与发展为科技创新模式嬗变提供了新机遇.主要介绍了欧洲Living Labs网络、Living Lab创新模式,包括其概念的提出、发展历程和组织模式,并以马德拉Living Lab为案例进行了简要的分析.这种以用户为中心、整合与协同各创新要素、搭建面向应用的创新平台的创新方式,与北京城市管理科技应用创新园区(AIP)的探索殊途同归,经验可供借鉴.欧洲Living Labs网络对我国科技创新体系的构建、创新型国家和和谐社会的建设也都有重要借鉴意义.     

网络信息安全犯罪的定量评价困境和突围路径——大数据背景下网络信息量化标准的反思和重构

刑法对网络安全的保护立场,正由网络运行安全转向网络信息安全。刑事立法更新不断增设网络信息安全专属罪名的同时,刑事司法的定量评价体系却未能一体构建,成为网络安全刑法保护的薄弱环节。当前网络信息安全犯罪的定量评价体系缺乏明确的逻辑主线,同时适用错位的“传统法益侵害程度”量化标准和模糊的“数据规模”新型量化标准,无法满足网络信息安全专属罪名司法适用的准确性和统一性需求,导致了司法适用的困境。消弭规范和技术之间的差异,以“信息规模”为定量评价核心的基础上,建构信息价值的分层评价模型,并将“组信息”作为基础的数据规模计量单位,是大数据时代背景下,突破网络信息安全犯罪司法定量评价困境的合理路径。     

德国近五十年刑事立法述评

自1969年德国刑法大改革至今的五十年间,德国的刑事立法活动非常频繁。在此期间,德国立法机关不但对《刑法典》总则犯罪论部分的规定进行了彻底的修订,而且针对犯罪的法律后果以及刑法分则乃至附属刑法中的诸多罪名进行了持续的改革,在恐怖主义犯罪、妨害公务犯罪、毒品犯罪以及保安监禁等领域尤其如此。整体而言,德国立法者在过往半个世纪中日趋侧重功能主义的积极刑事立法观,导致德国刑法逐步从传统法治国背景下的法益保护法和市民防御法转向以社会控制为主导的国家干预法和社会防卫法,造成了诸多难以与现有法律体系和学说理论相协调的象征性立法。我国应当从德国近五十年的刑事立法中吸收其先进经验,对其中的弊端也要引以为戒。     

North Korea and the East Asian Security order: competing views on what South Korea ought to do

This article investigates South Korean views on how to deal with the two major security issues regarding North Korea: its nuclear threat and regime instability. In this Special Section, the article analyzes the ongoing debate in South Korea over the government's policy toward North Korea in regard to these two issues. It argues that uncertainties about these two major issues are shaping the regional order in East Asia. In particular, the different levels of cooperation between South Korea and the United States may affect the regional security order in East Asia. In analyzing policy options available to South Korea, the riskiest option would be to employ early preemptive attacks and accelerate the collapse of North Korea given the security dilemma-driven action?reaction in East Asia. Given that the role of China has become the most crucial factor in dealing with North Korea, the most promising strategy would be to reinforce guarantees of extended nuclear deterrence and prompt a soft-landing unification.     

Executive capacity to control legislatures and presidential choice of cabinet ministers in East Asian democracies

How do presidents in new democracies choose cabinet ministers to accomplish their policy goals? Contrary to existing studies explaining the partisan composition of the cabinet with institutional characteristics, such as formal authority, we argue that the broader political context surrounding the president's ability to control the legislature can affect cabinet partisanship. By analyzing original data on cabinet formation in all presidential systems in East Asia since democratization, we find that when presidents are more likely to be dominant in executive–legislative relations, they have less concern about legislative support and more leeway to focus on policy performance by appointing nonpartisan cabinet members. This analysis suggests that understanding cabinet partisanship requires a view of cabinet appointments as a trade‐off between securing legislative support and managing policy performance, and the scope of this compromise depends on the strength of the president vis‐à‐vis the legislature.     

The autocratic mandate: elections,legitimacy and regime stability in Singapore

This paper explains how authoritarian regimes employ flawed elections to obtain both short-term legitimacy and long-term stability. In conjunction with the use of co-optation and repression, it argues that ruling parties hold de jure competitive elections to claim what is termed autonomous legitimation. This denotes the feigning of conformity to the established rules of the constitution and the shared beliefs of citizens. Regardless of overall turnout and support, ruling parties exploit the normative and symbolic value of elections in order to establish moral grounds for compliance within a dominant-subordinate relationship. In support of this argument, the case of Singapore's People's Action Party (PAP) is analysed in historical and contemporary terms. Since 1959, the PAP has used precisely timed elections to extract one or more mandate types from citizens and, by extension, claim legitimacy. In particular, it has sort a mandate based on its response to an event, execution of a policy and/or collection of a reward. In the long run, autocratic stability has been achieved through a process of reciprocal reinforcement, which has combined autonomous legitimation with targeted co-optation and low intensity coercion. The paper concludes by addressing the generalisability of this finding for other authoritarian regimes in Southeast Asia.     

公安院校大学生心理健康教育新探

公安院校是培养警察的摇篮,公安院校大学毕业生是警察的主要来源,因此,公安院校大学生的素质直接影响到警察队伍的整体素质.心理健康对公安院校大学生成才具有重要意义,警察职业的特殊性要求公安院校大学生必须具有健康的心理.但是当前,公安院校大学生的心理健康状况并不令人乐观.因此,全面提高公安院校大学生的心理素质,加强心理健康教育,努力提高公安院校大学生的心理健康水平,已成为我国公安院校刻不容缓的重要任务.