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311.
312.
冷战时期,日本与缅甸建立了特殊的历史友好关系,但在1988年以后双边关系较为冷淡。尽管日本之后一再努力,希望恢复昔日对缅影响与特殊的邦交,但收效甚微。日本在对缅关系上,一方面利用援助制裁实行有限的压力政策,另一方面又保持对缅接触,实行制裁和接触政策之间的中间路线。日本在缅甸问题上表现出的两面性,是其在国内各界分歧、日美基轴外交与亚洲独立外交、国家利益与价值观外交之间相互平衡的结果。 相似文献
313.
希腊主权债务危机引发的欧元危机是对欧洲区域经济与货币一体化的一次重大考验,深刻反映了欧洲经货联盟成立以来所出现的两大问题:成员国之间经济的不平衡发展以及联盟合作机制的缺陷。欧元危机给东亚区域货币与金融合作的启示是,在以欧盟货币合作为样板的同时,应着重加强区域内信息共享与政策合作,以清迈倡议(CMI)和清迈倡议多边机制(CMIM)为基础加快东亚货币合作机制建设,完善区域监管体系;同时加强区域内各国汇率合作和资本账户自由化,稳步推进区域金融市场一体化进程,逐步缩小各国之间汇率波动的幅度,以此推进东亚区域经济合作向纵深发展。 相似文献
314.
Kimberly A. Nolan García 《拉美政治与社会》2011,53(2):29-60
This article investigates the impact of trade‐based social clauses on labor rights enforcement. Drawing on insights from recent theoretical work on transnational advocacy networks and labor rights, the study examines how transnational groups and domestic actors engage the labor rights mechanisms under the NAFTA labor side agreement, the NAALC. A statistical analysis of original data drawn from NAALC cases complements interviews with key participants to analyze the factors that predict whether the three national mediation offices review labor dispute petitions. This study suggests that transnational activism is a key factor in explaining petition acceptance. Transnational advocates craft petitions differently from other groups and, by including worker testimony in the petitions, signal to arbitration bodies the possibility of corroborating claims through contact with affected workers. 相似文献
315.
Agroecology has played a key role in helping Cuba survive the crisis caused by the collapse of the socialist bloc in Europe and the tightening of the US trade embargo. Cuban peasants have been able to boost food production without scarce and expensive imported agricultural chemicals by first substituting more ecological inputs for the no longer available imports, and then by making a transition to more agroecologically integrated and diverse farming systems. This was possible not so much because appropriate alternatives were made available, but rather because of the Campesino-a-Campesino (CAC) social process methodology that the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP) used to build a grassroots agroecology movement. This paper was produced in a 'self-study' process spearheaded by ANAP and La Via Campesina, the international agrarian movement of which ANAP is a member. In it we document and analyze the history of the Campesino-to-Campesino Agroecology Movement (MACAC), and the significantly increased contribution of peasants to national food production in Cuba that was brought about, at least in part, due to this movement. Our key findings are (i) the spread of agroecology was rapid and successful largely due to the social process methodology and social movement dynamics, (ii) farming practices evolved over time and contributed to significantly increased relative and absolute production by the peasant sector, and (iii) those practices resulted in additional benefits including resilience to climate change. 相似文献
316.
Estrada-Martínez LM Padilla MB Caldwell CH Schulz AJ 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2011,40(8):1039-1051
Existing research rarely considers important ethnic subgroup variations in violent behaviors among Latino youth. Thus, their
risk for severe violent behaviors is not well understood in light of the immense ethnic and generational diversity of the
Latino population in the United States. Grounded in social control theory and cultural analyses of familism, we examine differences in the risk for severe youth violence, as well its associations with family cohesion, parental engagement,
adolescent autonomy, household composition, and immigrant generation among Mexican (n = 1,594), Puerto Rican (n = 586), Cuban
(n = 488), and non-Latino Black (n = 4,053), and White (n = 9,921) adolescents with data from the National Longitudinal Study
of Adolescent Health. Results indicate a gradient of risk; White youth had the lowest risk for severe violence and Puerto
Rican youth had the highest risk compared to all other racial/ethnic subgroups. Within-group analysis indicates that family
factors are not universally protective or risk-inducing. While family cohesion decreased the risk of severe violence among
all groups, parental engagement was associated with increased risk among Blacks and Whites, and adolescent autonomy was associated
with increased risk among Puerto Ricans and Cubans. In addition, Cuban and White adolescents who lived in single parent households
or who did not live with their parents, had higher risk for severe violent behaviors than their counterparts who lived in
two parent households. Among Latinos, the association of immigrant generation was in opposite directions among Mexicans and
Cubans. We conclude that family and immigration factors differentially influence risk for violence among Latino subgroups
and highlight the significance of examining subgroup differences and developing intervention strategies that are tailored
to the needs of each ethnic subgroup. 相似文献
317.
Rocío Dánica Cóndor Antonino Scarelli Riccardo Valentini 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2011,11(2):117-137
The three Rio Conventions—the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, the Convention on Biological Diversity,
and the United Nations Convention to Combat Desertification—face the challenge to create synergies at different levels. The
objective of this article is to describe how we have assessed synergies between the Rio Conventions at the project level in
the forest sector. Since the complexity of the decision problem is high, we adopted the Multicriteria Decision Aid approach,
which can provide a broad insight into the decision problem and find a compromise solution to a problem with multidimensional
and conflicting criteria including social, economic and environmental features. The ELECTRE TRI model was used for assessing
synergies at the project level, and has been a useful tool to quantify the performance of afforestation and reforestation
projects into three categories (synergistic, reasonably synergistic, and not synergistic). For the first time, afforestation
and reforestation projects have been assessed in a comprehensive way through decision criteria that reflect global and local
interests using a non-compensatory multicriteria method. 相似文献
318.
Luís Aguiar‐Conraria Pedro C. Magalhães Maria Joana Soares 《American journal of political science》2012,56(2):500-518
Spectral analysis and ARMA models have been the most common weapons of choice for the detection of cycles in political time series. Controversies about cycles, however, tend to revolve around an issue that both techniques are badly equipped to address: the possibility of irregular cycles without fixed periodicity throughout the entire time series. This has led to two main consequences. On the one hand, proponents of cyclical theories have often dismissed established statistical techniques. On the other hand, proponents of established techniques have dismissed the possibility of cycles without fixed periodicity. Wavelets allow the detection of transient and coexisting cycles and structural breaks in periodicity. In this article, we present the tools of wavelet analysis and apply them to the study of two lingering puzzles in the political science literature: the existence of cycles in election returns in the United States and in the severity of major power wars. 相似文献
319.
Romão W Vaz BG Lalli PM Bueno MI Correa DN Telles VL de Castro EV Eberlin MN 《Journal of forensic sciences》2012,57(2):539-543
Using desorption/ionization techniques such as easy ambient sonic-spray ionization mass spectrometry (EASI-MS), it is possible to analyze documents of Brazilian vehicles for authenticity, providing a chemical profile directly from the surface of each document. A method for the detection of counterfeit documents is described, and the falsification procedure is elucidated. Forty authentic and counterfeit documents were analyzed by both positive and negative ion modes, EASI(±)-MS. EASI(+)-MS results identified the presence of (bis(2-ethylhexyl)phthalate plasticizer and of dihexadecyldimethylammonium biocide in both types of documents. For EASI(-)-MS results, the 4-octyloxybenzoic acid additive ([M + H](+): m/z 249) is present only in counterfeit documents. It was also found that counterfeit vehicle documents are produced via Laserjet printers. Desorption/ionization techniques, such as EASI-MS, offer therefore, an intelligent way to characterize the counterfeiting method. 相似文献
320.
Uglješa Grušić 《The Modern law review》2012,75(5):722-751
Traditionally, the determination of the territorial scope of the statutory rights conferred by employment legislation forming part of English law has been regarded as an issue entirely disconnected from the choice‐of‐law process. Indeed, this view formed the basis of the key decision addressing the problem of territoriality, Lawson v Serco, decided by the House of Lords in 2006. After presenting the current state of the law with regard to the territorial scope of employment legislation, this article takes a critical look at Lawson v Serco. It is argued that the ‘European’ choice‐of‐law rules must have a greater importance for determining the territorial scope of employment legislation and, consequently, that the approach pursued in Lawson v Serco is no longer correct, if it ever was, and should not be followed in the future. 相似文献