Otto Kirchheimer and the catch-all party

Otto Kirchheimer's conception of the catch-all party was part of his more comprehensive theory of party transformation, encompassing four interrelated political processes. By tracing the development of the catch-all thesis and placing it within the wider context of Kirchheimer's complete work, it is possible to reconstruct a more precise understanding of what Kirchheimer meant by the catch-all concept, which itself remains highly contested. Kirchheimer's anxiety about modern democracy originated with what he saw as the vanishing of principled opposition within parliament and society, and the reduction of politics to the mere management of the state. This leads to collusion of political parties and the state, severing of the societal links of party organisations, and erosion of the classic separation of powers. Vanishing opposition, cartelisation and professionalisation of politics pits citizens against a powerful state, which increases political cynicism and apathy. Kirchheimer's comprehensive approach remains relevant to much of the contemporary debate about the transformation of Western political systems.     

农民合作行为中的惩罚机制及其实践基础研究

本文引入类型化的视角,对农民合作行为中惩罚机制进行研究与探讨,并考察合作行为中惩罚机制形态、处罚实施主体、惩罚手段以及惩罚机制发生的社会基础。研究发现,在社会关联度较高的村庄之中,村民多群体性地运用软性惩罚的方式对合作行为中的搭便车者进行惩罚;在社会关联度中等的村庄,村庄社区内可能以群体也可能通过单个强互惠者以情、面子来对搭便车者进行惩罚,但由于村庄内规范的约束力降低,其效果往往不及前者;在社会关联度较低的村庄则只能够以个人为单位,或以牺牲自己利益或引入混混来惩罚搭便车者,这种刚性的惩罚方式对合作行为中的搭便车者进行处罚,虽然可能有效,但其惩罚需要支付高昂的成本与代价。     

汶川地震应对经验与应急管理中国模式的建构路径——基于强政府与强社会的互动视角

巨灾的频发使得风险治理的公共政策系统受到巨大挑战。由于特定的危机形势和政策制定系统的局限性,造成了各种各样的政策困境,尤其是汶川地震促使我们重新审视国家力量在巨灾应对中与社会力量之间的互动关系。基于以上背景,本文试图通过研究团队三年多来针对汶川地震应对的全景式实证性研究,并结合中国应急管理系统建设发展的历史性回顾揭示出相应的挑战和机遇,探索一个基于强政府与强社会互动的分析视角和发展路径。     

国外社会创新的理论与实践

社会创新作为解决社会问题、满足社会需求的重要途径之一,日益受到国内外学界和实践界的关注与重视。本文从经济学、社会学、管理学等不同学科领域出发,对现有国外相关研究的文献进行了系统梳理,并概括介绍了社会创新的实践前沿,以及国外政府、企业和社会组织为推动社会创新的发展而进行的实践探索,以期为中国现阶段加强和创新社会管理提供有益的参考和借鉴。     

The impact of plurilateral trade agreements on developing countries – to participate or not to participate?

In the wake of the impasse in the Doha Development Round of multilateral trade talks, sector-specific plurilateral trade agreements (PTAs) have been gaining traction. However, PTAs mostly appeal to developed countries, with the uptake among developing countries (including least-developed countries) being very limited. This article investigates the factors contributing to such a phenomenon, whether there is indeed merit in developing countries playing a more active role in PTAs and how they might be encouraged to do so. Both qualitative and quantitative analyses were conducted with specific attention being given to the effects, on a selection of developing countries, of participation in four PTAs: the Trade in Services Agreement, the Government Procurement Agreement, the Environmental Goods Agreement and the Information Technology Agreement II. Among the findings was that although, according to the qualitative analysis, policymakers are generally disinterested in the four PTAs because they are not aligned to the countries’ economic interests or they threaten policy space, the quantitative analysis revealed that gains could often be made from more active participation in these agreements. This clearly points to a research gap and highlights the need for more in-depth analysis of the potential of PTAs in the developing world.     

Propaganda,effect, and the cold war: Gauging the status of america's “war of words”

The article examines the interrelationship among propaganda, effect, and the Cold War during congressional debates over America's first peacetime propaganda program. Although the rise of the communication research paradigm affected the production of statistical evidence to measure the effectiveness of America's Cold War propaganda, this case study argues that the “war of words” metaphor further heightened the need for empirical proof of America's status in that conflict, Just as with any physical battle that relies on body counts and land measurements to determine the success of America's war efforts, the criteria for measuring the status of America's “war of words” were driven by a similar demand for “objective” proof. The longevity of the Cold War helped ensure the institutionalization of the communication research paradigm, which rejected the use of anecdotal evidence as support for the program's impact.     

行政手段参与宏观调控:实质、特征与原因

宏观调控中的行政手段由非市场化规制和行政监督构成。近年来的宏观调控虽然紧扣市场经济体制初步建立这个历史起点,但行政手段并未如一般理论所预期的那样淡出,反倒有着常态化的表现。行政手段参与宏观调控有其客观原因,在市场经济和相关制度得以完善之前,宏观调控还无法摆脱对于行政手段的依赖,并且针对长久性的需要,行政手段将一直存在下去。加强和改善宏观调控必须考虑这一方面的影响。     

Why should Austria be different from Germany? the two recent nationality reforms in contrast

The article compares and evaluates the two recent reforms of nationality law in Austria and Germany. Before the changes both countries were very similar cases in terms of their nationality and immigration policy. Both relied on strict ‘jus sanguinis’, the principle of descent which is anchored in their nationality laws. One implication of jus sanguinis is that it constantly reproduces ‘new-born’ foreigners, as the only way for foreign residents to obtain national citizenship is via naturalisation. This includes the obligation to renounce any former nationality. In its recent amendment in 2000, Germany has softened the principle of descent by introducing limited ‘jus soli’ with the obligation to opt for one nationality at the age of 23 at the latest. Austria, on the other hand, has stuck to its tradition and introduced restricted reform. The article will outline the context of the two amendments. Why has the outcome been so different although both countries have faced so many similar experiences and circumstances? I will trace the development of both amendments and highlight the backgrounds of these two so contrasting decisions: two different attempts to deal with naturalisation of long-term immigrants and new-born foreigners.     

Sport,Space and National Identity in Ireland: The GAA,Croke Park and Rule 42

In April 2005, the Gaelic Athletic Association, the largest sporting organisation in Ireland, amended Rule 42, which hitherto banned rugby and soccer matches from being played at Croke Park, the association's headquarters and national stadium. This paper traces the genealogy of the debate that preceded the announcement and examines how and why a decision of seemingly little socio-cultural and political significance became an important issue within broader discourses concerned with national identity in Ireland. Drawing, in particular, on the writing of Henri Lefebvre, and situating the discussion within an interdisciplinary body of literature concerned with sport, space and national identity in Ireland, the authors argue that Croke Park has emerged in recent years as a space of conflicting Irish nationalisms.