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61.
Mixed logit (MXL) is a general discrete choice model thus farunexamined in the study of multicandidate and multiparty elections.Mixed logit assumes that the unobserved portions of utilityare a mixture of an IID extreme value term and another multivariatedistribution selected by the researcher. This general specificationallows MXL to avoid imposing the independence of irrelevantalternatives (IIA) property on the choice probabilities. Further,MXL is a flexible tool for examining heterogeneity in voterbehavior through random-coefficients specifications. MXL isa more general discrete choice model than multinomial probit(MNP) in several respects, and can be applied to a wider varietyof questions about voting behavior than MNP. An empirical exampleusing data from the 1987 British General Election demonstratesthe utility of MXL in the study of multicandidate and multipartyelections. 相似文献
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James Adams Michael Clark Lawrence Ezrow Garrett Glasgow 《American journal of political science》2006,50(3):513-529
Do “niche” parties—such as Communist, Green, and extreme nationalist parties—adjust their policies in response to shifts in public opinion? Would such policy responsiveness enhance these parties' electoral support? We report the results of statistical analyses of the relationship between parties' policy positions, voters' policy preferences, and election outcomes in eight Western European democracies from 1976 to 1998 that suggest that the answer to both questions is no . Specifically, we find no evidence that niche parties responded to shifts in public opinion, while mainstream parties displayed consistent tendencies to respond to public opinion shifts. Furthermore, we find that in situations where niche parties moderated their policy positions they were systematically punished at the polls (a result consistent with the hypothesis that such parties represent extreme or noncentrist ideological clienteles), while mainstream parties did not pay similar electoral penalties. Our findings have important implications for political representation, for spatial models of elections, and for political parties' election strategies. 相似文献
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A large amount of the research undertaken in an attempt to discover the reasons underlying the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century mortality decline in Britain has relied on the statistics published by the Registrars General. The processes by which individual causes of death are recorded and then processed in order to create the statistics are not, however, well understood. In this article, the authors build on previous work to piece together a time series of causes of death for Scotland, which removes many of the discontinuities encountered in the published statistics that result from the Registrar General deciding to update the nosology, or classification system, which was being used to compile his figures. Having regrouped individual causes of death to ‘smooth’ the time series, the authors use the new groups to examine the changing causes of death in Scotland for selected age groups, before turning to undertake a detailed examination of mortality amongst those aged 55 or more. The authors find that when deaths from ‘old age’ in the latter age group are separated from other ‘ill-defined’ causes, it becomes obvious that there was a ‘rebranding’ of cause of death. The authors then use individual-level data from two Scottish communities to further dissect the roles played by ‘informants’ and ‘doctors’ in this rebranding, in order to see how these roles may have altered over time and what the consequences might be for one's view of how mortality changed in Scotland between 1855 and 1949. Finally, the authors argue that their findings have important implications for some of historical demography's most prominent theories: the McKeown thesis and the theory of epidemiological transition. 相似文献
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