Some observers of American politics have argued that Republicans have redrawn the social class basis of the parties by displacing the Democrats as the party of the common person. While others have addressed the argument by implication, we address the phenomenon itself. That is, we examine whether the populist rhetoric used by conservatives has reshaped the American public??s perceptions about the social class basis of American political parties. To this end, we used NES data and created novel survey questions for examining the class-based images of the parties. We examine whether the public holds populist images of the Republican Party and whether the working class and evangelical Christians are especially likely to hold this belief. Contrary to this argument, most Americans view the Democrats as the party of the people. Furthermore, working class and evangelical Christians are no less likely to hold this belief. 相似文献
Many anarchists believe that a stateless society could and should feature laws. It might appear that, in so believing, they
are caught in a contradiction. The anarchist objects to the state because its authority does not rest on actual consent, and
using force to secure compliance with law in a stateless society seems objectionable for the same reason. Some people in a
stateless society will have consented to some laws or law-generating mechanisms and some to others – while some will have
consented to none. Someone’s obedience to a legal requirement could be justly enforceable absent the state, nonetheless, given
either her actual consent to the requirement or to a mechanism responsible for generating it or the coextensiveness of the
legal requirement with a moral requirement. And it could thus be just on the anarchist’s own terms to enforce a narrow range
of positive legal requirements even against outlaws who had declined to consent to them. 相似文献
Rational choice perspectives maintain that seemingly irrational behavior on the part of terrorist organizations may nevertheless
reflect strategic planning. In this paper we examine spatial and temporal patterns of terrorist attacks by the Spanish group
ETA between 1970 and 2007. Our analysis is guided by a public announcement by ETA in 1978 that the group would shift from
emphasizing attacks in the Basque territory to instead launch attacks more widely in the hopes of exhausting the Spanish government
and forcing it to abandon the Basque territory. This announcement suggests that prior to the end of 1978 ETA attacks were
based mostly on controlling territory in the Basque region that they hoped to rule; and after 1978 the organization decided
to instead undertake a prolonged war of attrition. Accordingly, we argue that before the end of 1978 ETA was mostly perpetrating
control attacks (attacking only within the Basque territories) and that the diffusion of attacks between provinces was mostly
contagious (spreading contiguously). After the 1978 proclamation, we argue that the attack strategy shifted toward attrition
(attacking in areas outside of the Basque territories) and that the attacks were more likely to diffuse hierarchically (spreading
to more distant locations). As predicted, we find that after ETA moved toward a more attrition based attack strategy, subsequent
attacks were significantly more likely to occur outside the Basque region and to target non-adjacent regions (consistent with
hierarchical diffusion). We also find that hierarchical diffusion was more common when a longer time elapsed between attacks
(a likely consequence of the fact that more distant attacks require more resources and planning) and that attacks against
Madrid were unlikely to be followed immediately by more attacks on Madrid or surrounding provinces. After ETA announced a
shift in policy, they maintained a highly dispersed attack strategy even during their period of decline. Using information
about where and when prior attacks occurred could provide useful information for policy makers countering groups like ETA. 相似文献
ABSTRACT Recently, states have enacted teacher-carry laws. While controversial, little scholarship has tapped public attitudes toward such reforms. Because public opinion shapes policy, the public is an important stakeholder in this debate. Thus, we investigated three questions. First, how supportive is the public of arming teachers? Second, what demographic and social divides exist, if any, for reform approval? Finally, do crime-related perceptions, concerning views about public safety, and criminogenic influences shape policy preferences? We test these questions using a 2018 poll of Virginia residents (N = 521). Overall, approval for teacher-carry is split. Crime-related perceptions mediate some of the initial social and demographic divides in opinion but other correlates, such as parental status, remain salient predictors of views. Implications are discussed. 相似文献
ABSTRACTHigher education for police in the United States began as police science and police administration in the early-to-middle 1900s but morphed into criminal justice starting in the 1960s, continuing in that mold to the present. This paper examines curricula at a handful of universities to provide a snapshot of U.S. police education today, illustrating that modern criminal justice programs do not focus very much on police at either the undergraduate or graduate level. The paper then considers alternative models that could provide students a more in-depth encounter with the now-robust policing body of knowledge, something that barely existed 50 years ago but could, at this point, serve as the foundation for a respectable and relevant academic and professional education. 相似文献
Housing insecurity is a known threat to child health understanding predictors of housing insecurity can help inform policies to protect the health of young children in low-income households. This study sheds light on the relationship between housing insecurity and availability of housing that is affordable to low-income households.
We developed a county-level index of availability of subsidized housing needed to meet the demand of low-income households. Our results estimate that if subsidized units are made available to an additional 5% of the eligible population, the odds of overcrowding decrease by 26% and the odds of families making multiple moves decrease by 31%. Both of these are known predictors of poor child health outcomes. Thus, these results suggest that state and federal investments in expanding the stock of subsidized housing could reduce housing insecurity and thereby also improve the health and well-being of young children, including their families' food security status. 相似文献