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Gavin Drewry 《West European politics》2013,36(3):9-28
This study considers judicial policy‐making in Great Britain by noting the peculiarly British institutional restraints on judicial action of parliamentary sovereignty, the resulting subordination of all courts to the legislative branch and the absence of a codified charter of rights or constitution. Though there is no judicial power to annul legislative or executive actions, British courts and judges still play a small, but significant, role in policy‐making through the common law and, in particular, through judicial review of adminstrative actions. A written bill of rights would likely draw courts further into the the political arena and politicise the appointment of judges. 相似文献
113.
To explore the impact of the press in Britain during the first New Labour administration, we used aggregate-level analysis to assess the relationship between the economic content of press and changes in the public's political and economic attitudes. We examine the effects on attitudes of economic coverage in the broadsheets, 'black top' and tabloid newspapers. The results suggest that the broadsheets and 'black tops' do exert an influence on voters' views, whereas the tabloids do not. The impact is, however, not global, but confined to particular segments of the population. The modest effects we have charted, nevertheless have important cumulative political significance in the medium- to long-term, and they put press influence into sharper and more realistic perspective than many current accounts. Methodologically our results suggest the need for further work to focus on press effects on specific groups of voters. 相似文献
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Gavin Cawthra 《冲突、安全与发展》2019,19(2):223-235
ABSTRACTSecurity sector reform (SSR) or transformation in South Africa has until recently almost universally been regarded as a success. While achievements have been real and many are enduring, under the presidency of Jacob Zuma a creeping effort by corrupt parvenu elites to capture the state for personal enrichment has become evident. The impact of this on the SSR project has not been sufficiently analysed. This article does not deal with state capture per se, which would be massive task and for which evidence is still emerging. It limits itself to the impact of state capture on the SSR project, examining the hollowing out of the defence function, as well as the corruption and factional politicisation of the intelligence, policing and prosecutions functions (it does not deal with the capture of state-owned enterprises, which would require a study in its own right). It concludes that SSR has been significantly undermined. The question is asked whether a resurrection is possible or desirable. 相似文献
119.
Madeleine O. Hosli Rebecca Moody Bryan O��Donovan Serguei Kaniovski Anna C. H. Little 《The Review of International Organizations》2011,6(2):163-187
Changing the composition and voting system of the Security Council, in an effort to increase the institution’s global legitimacy,
is proving to be one of the most difficult hurdles to overcome for the global community of states represented in the United
Nations (UN). This paper demonstrates that due to institutional hurdles, it is considerably more difficult today than it was
in the early years of the UN to reach a winning coalition in the General Assembly to secure Security Council reform. In addition,
the paper analyzes the effects that adapted patterns of voting, as prescribed by recent reform proposals, would have on the
distribution of power among UN member states in the Security Council and on the probability that this institution can form
a winning coalition, i.e., reach decisions. Our power and decision capacity computations are based on (modified) Penrose-Banzhaf-Coleman
measures. 相似文献
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