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911.
912.
Luc Turgeon Alain‐G. Gagnon 《Canadian public administration. Administration publique du Canada》2013,56(4):565-583
This article investigates how the struggles of national groups have affected the politics of bureaucratic representation of ethnic minorities in Belgium and Canada, and vice‐versa. It argues that the politics of multinational representation in Belgium limited the adoption of measures seeking to guarantee a greater representation of ethnic and racial minorities. In contrast, the politics of multiculturalism in Canada associated with the political mobilization of ethnic groups, contributed to the rejection of measures of guaranteed representation of Francophones in the federal bureaucracy. Measures adopted to increase the representation of Francophones, however, did not impede later attempts to augment representation of visible minorities in the civil service. 相似文献
913.
914.
Carmen G. Jarpa-Arriagada Carlos Rodríguez-Garcós 《Bulletin of Latin American research》2021,40(4):549-564
We analysed the Chilean university student selection processes, comparing ‘First Generation’ and ‘Continuist’ students, using the Chilean Higher Education population databases (2000–2015). Findings confirm that 60 percent of participants in the selection process are First Generation students. The data registers an increasing self-exclusion phenomenon. Of the students who did not take the selection test after enrolling, 80 percent are First Generation and 18 are enrolled in a selective university, compared to 44 in the Continuist conglomerate. These differences may be explained by cultural capital in the Bourdieu sense, in conjunction with a diversified, massified and marketalised higher education system. 相似文献
915.
目的 探讨唾液酯酶( Set)多态性在法医学亲权鉴定和个体识别方面的应用价值。方法 应用聚丙烯酰胺凝胶盘状电泳及固蓝 RR染色方法,调查了 114名中国人 Set的表型分布及基因频率,用χ 2检验进行统计学分析。结果 中国人酯酶表型频率 Set F 22.81%, Set FS 50.88%, Set S 26.31% ;基因频率为 SetF 0.482 5, SetS 0.517 5;非父排除机率为 0.187 5,个体识别率为 0.619 9。结论 Set有较高的父权排除率和个体识别率,可作为法医学亲权鉴定和个体识别的重要标记系统之一。 相似文献
916.
917.
In public services that are tax funded, public goods are sometimes marketized by being delivered using private companies instead of public organizations. In addition, marketization reforms can entail service users being described as customers for the service rather than as citizens. We assess the effects of these aspects of marketization reforms on users' willingness to co-produce public services. First, service delivery using private companies risks reducing users' willingness to co-produce because firms cannot commit ex ante to not appropriate donated labour for private gain. Second, using customer-oriented language risks reductions by priming individualistic market norms that lower prosocial motivation compared to citizen-oriented language priming citizenship duty. Using three survey experiments in the United States, we find that delivery structures are not neutral. Private firms delivering local public services reduce users' willingness to co-produce, although similar effects are not evident from primimg customer rather than citizenship thinking. 相似文献
918.
919.
Saturnino M. Borras Jr. Jennifer C. Franco Sergio Gómez Cristóbal Kay Max Spoor 《The Journal of peasant studies》2013,40(3-4):845-872
Land grabbing has gained momentum in Latin America and the Caribbean during the past decade. The phenomenon has taken different forms and character as compared to processes that occur in other regions of the world, especially Africa. It puts into question some of the assumptions in the emerging literature on land grabbing, suggesting these are too food-centered/too food crisis-centered, too land-centred, too centred on new global food regime players – China, South Korea, Gulf States and India – and too centred on Africa. There are four key mechanisms through which land grabbing in Latin American and the Caribbean has been carried out: food security initiatives, energy/fuel security ventures, other climate change mitigation strategies, and recent demands for resources from newer hubs of global capital. The hallmark of land grabbing in the region is its intra-regional character: the key investors are (Trans-)Latin American companies, often in alliance with international capital and the central state. Initial evidence suggests that recent land investments have consolidated the earlier trend away from (re)distributive land policies in most countries in the region, and are likely to result in widespread reconcentration of land and capital. 相似文献
920.
Michael A. Gottfried and Gilberto Q. Conchas,eds., When School Policies Backfire: How Well‐Intentioned Measures Can Harm Our Most Vulnerable Students (Cambridge,MA: Harvard Education Press, 2016). 222 pp. $33.00 (paper), ISBN: 9781612509075
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James V. Shuls 《Public administration review》2018,78(4):650-651