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151.
Laughing with / at the national self: Greek television satire and the politics of self-disparagement
Georgia Aitaki 《社会征候学》2019,29(1):68-82
This study engages with the cultural consequences of the self-disparaging politics of television satire. It focuses on an emblematic program of Greek television fiction, Oi Afthairetoi (MEGA channel, 1989–1991) and the ways it both constructs and ridicules a particular version of the Greek self, the “Neoellinas”. By proposing a wider understanding of the political side-effects of television satire, which have so far been mainly addressed within the study of political satire, it turns the attention toward the role of satirical discourse in a public’s view on its national self in times of change or transition. More specifically, while it recognizes the contradictory impact that satire can have on society, it applies the concept of “satiric misfire” as a means to understand satirical endeavors which reinforce rather than counter the problematics they set out to fight against in the first place. 相似文献
152.
Richard Bach Jensen 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2017,29(4):735-771
An unprecedented expansion of global anti-terrorist policing took place after 1900, although the security forces projected outside their borders by Russia, Italy, Germany, Austria-Hungary, Spain, and Argentina displayed an enormous diversity in size and effectiveness. Crucial to successful policing was how these countries improved their intelligence through recruiting and handling informers, maintained secrecy and good relations with local police, and handled the media. The British approach to anarchist control was arguably the most successful. Italian international policing was the most far-reaching, while the United States long remained the world's most under-policed large country. On examination, the view that anti-anarchist policing was a case of conservative imperial regimes versus the Western democracies loses validity. During this period, a general trend saw the transfer of anarchist surveillance from the hands of diplomats into those of interior ministry officials and the police, all in the name of greater centralization, professionalization, and efficiency. 相似文献
153.
Georgia Kaplanoglou Vassilis T. Rapanos Nikolaos Daskalakis 《European Journal of Law and Economics》2016,42(3):405-444
This paper presents the results of a novel survey of 550 small and micro enterprises in Greece regarding their tax compliance behaviour and drawing some useful policy implications for a country facing one of the largest tax gaps in the developed world. We explore the determinants of such behaviour, by integrating economic and psychological perspectives on tax compliance. Results suggest that respondents perceive a strong connection between the quality of political and of tax institutions, while trust seems to play the most significant role in increasing intended compliance and in deterring strategic tax evasion. We contrast the theoretical results with the actual reported compliance behaviour of entrepreneurs and analyse how this behaviour is influenced by factors like perceived nature of power of tax authorities (legitimate versus coercive), perceived fairness of the tax system, etc. The strategy currently followed, that is toughening the profile of tax authorities is a viable short-term response to increase enforced tax compliance. The present study, however, has provided evidence on the multifaceted nature of power and trust and their relation with tax compliance, and the link between power and trust in political regulatory strategies. Current policies seem to completely miss that link. 相似文献
154.
Kristian Kriegbaum Jensen Christian Fernández Grete Brochmann 《Citizenship Studies》2017,21(5):606-624
The neighboring countries of Denmark, Sweden, and Norway represent three very similar societies that differ markedly with respect to naturalization policy. While the general trend of a civic turn has brought about some of Europe’s strictest residence and citizenship requirements in Denmark, it has left the liberal Swedish policy largely untouched and the Norwegian somewhere in between the other two. How might such divergence in otherwise very similar societies be explained? This article investigates the role different conceptions of nationhood have played. It is argued that different conceptions of nationhood have mattered, but that the national differences have less to do with the normative content of nationhood than with how politicians tend to conceive of the integration process that newcomers must commit to in order to develop a strong sense of national belonging. 相似文献
155.
ABSTRACTThis article examines how, if at all, the changed economic order in the aftermath of the economic crisis in 2008 has shaped the relationship between the EU and China. Theoretically, two prevalent opposing narratives in the public discourse are presented and linked to two crude versions of mercantilism and economic liberalism in the scholarly literature. The mercantilist line of reasoning posits that China will gain more political weight with its increasing economic strength. The economic liberal line of reasoning suggests that China’s economic weight does not translate into political power. These two opposing theoretical claims are examined by process tracing two most likely cases. This article concludes that despite its increased economic strength, China has enjoyed limited success in persuading the EU and its member states to change their position(s) on policy areas involving strategic interests. 相似文献
156.
Ann-Dorte Christensen Sune Qvotrup Jensen 《Nora, Nordic Journal of Women's Studies》2013,21(2):109-125
This article is about doing intersectional analysis and how to practise intersectionality in qualitative research. The overall objective is to contribute to the development of concrete intersectionality methodologies. The first part of the article discusses important aspects of intersectionality, bringing methodological implications into focus, e.g. the number of social categories to include and the status and differences between categories. The second part of the article argues that taking life-story narratives and the analysis of everyday life as a point of departure has potential for empirical analyses of intersectionality. This argument is illustrated by two empirical analyses. The first is about roots and routes in life-story narratives; the second is about the constructions of respectability in everyday life in relation to the intersection between gender, class, and ethnicity. 相似文献
157.
Incentives to cultivate a personal reputation encourage legislators to generate policy outcomes for which they can claim credit. We show that these incentives make themselves felt in international agreements – a domain that might typically be considered within the purview of the executive branch. Through a cross-national analysis and brief case studies, we show that countries with electoral systems that encourage personal vote seeking are more likely to negotiate exceptions to treaties meant to liberalize their investment environments. Legislators benefit by being able to claim credit for having protected their constituents from the competition an unrestricted agreement would entail. 相似文献
158.
Georg Wenzelburger Christoph Arndt Carsten Jensen 《Politische Vierteljahresschrift》2018,59(4):681-712
Quantitative analyses on welfare state dynamics have to cope with the “dependent variable problem”, as studies on social spending reach different conclusions than analyses of replacement rate data. This article suggests a way around this problem by presenting results from a fine-grained analysis of welfare state legislation in Germany between 1974 and 2014. We show that the German welfare state has seen both cuts and expansions occur in all decades. Moreover, we show by means of a regression analysis that partisan politics play a role. Supporting the “Nixon-in-China”-thesis, social democratic governments are associated with a higher probability of cutbacks—especially in times of budgetary pressure—whereas expansions are more likely under Christian democratic governments. 相似文献
159.
Christoffer Florczak Stig Hebbelstrup Rye Rasmussen Ulrich Thy Jensen Justin M. Stritch Kaare Christensen Asbjørn Sonne Nørgaard Robert Klemmensen 《Public administration》2023,101(3):993-1013
Despite the proliferation of research on public service motivation (PSM), fundamental questions about its origins continue to evade scholars: Is PSM driven by genetics, socialized through experiences, or both? If PSM is socialized, when does socialization occur? Answering these questions is critical for reconciling the state versus trait debate, and for assessing the validity of practical implications prescribed by PSM studies. Utilizing “nature's own experiment,” we adopt a classical twin design with 1035 twin pairs to identify how genetic heritability, a common environment, or unique environment and experiences can explain variation in PSM. Results show that PSM is heavily influenced by individuals' unique environments and experiences; not by genetics. This lends strong evidence to PSM's uniqueness as a motivational construct as related “other-regarding” concepts show sizeable genetic components. Finally, our results corroborate that PSM is a human resource with dynamic properties organizations can cultivate to enhance productivity in public service workforces. 相似文献
160.
Nathan M. Jensen Michael G. Findley Daniel L. Nielson 《American journal of political science》2020,64(4):807-822
Through a field experiment and audit study, we test how the electoral calendar affects the use of local economic development policies. We explore how electoral timing along with local political institutions and party composition affect local governments’ offers of investment incentives to outside firms. We legally incorporated a consultancy and, on behalf of a real investor in manufacturing, approached roughly 3,000 U.S. municipalities with inquiries. The main experimental results show no greater tendency to offer incentives for investment anticipated prior to than after elections—a null result that is estimated with high precision. Limiting the sample to municipalities that specialize in manufacturing, the relevant subgroup, suggests that election timing matters in this most likely set of locales. Some observational findings include additional evidence on how direct elections of executives and partisanship correlate with incentive offers. 相似文献