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11.
Anna Stewart Hennessey Hayes Michael Livingston Gerard Palk 《Journal of Experimental Criminology》2008,4(4):357-380
Restorative justice conferencing for young offenders is firmly established in Australian juvenile justice, and legislated
conferencing schemes are operating in all Australian states and territories. While there is some variation in the terms used
to describe restorative justice conferences (e.g., family group conferencing, family conferencing, or youth justice conferencing),
there is much more consistency in how the conferencing process is managed across Australian jurisdictions. In Queensland youth
justice conferencing is a process that brings together an offender, the victim and their supporters to discuss the harm caused
by the offending behaviour and provide the young person with an opportunity to take responsibility for his or her behaviour
and make amends. This paper begins by briefly sketching the development of restorative justice conferencing in Queensland
and describes the Juvenile Justice Simulation Model (JJSM), a micro-simulation model developed for criminal justice policy
analysis in Queensland, Australia. We use this micro-simulation model to conduct an experimental exploration of the effects
that youth justice conferencing has on system-wide outcomes for indigenous young people. The model simulates the impact of
interventions up until 2011 on the number of finalised youth justice court appearances. Our results indicate that youth justice
conferencing is unlikely to reduce the over-representation of indigenous young people in the juvenile justice system. The
simulations demonstrated that, by the 2011, youth justice conferencing would result in a 12.5% decrease in finalised court
appearances. Unfortunately, this decrease was more apparent for non-indigenous young people (13.7% decrease in court appearances)
than for indigenous young people, who had a 10.5% decrease in court appearances. This differential impact of conferencing
is due to the different court appearance profiles between indigenous and non-indigenous young offenders, with indigenous young
people initiating offending at an earlier age and offending more frequently than non-indigenous young offenders. 相似文献
12.
Parallel Systems and Human Resource Management in India's Public Health Services: A View from the Front Lines 下载免费PDF全文
Gerard La Forgia Shomikho Raha Shabbeer Shaik Sunil Kumar Maheshwari Rabia Ali 《公共行政管理与发展》2015,35(5):372-389
There is building evidence in India that the delivery of health services suffers both from an actual shortfall in trained health professionals and from unsatisfactory results of existing service providers working in the public and private sectors. This study focuses on the public sector and examines de facto institutional and governance arrangements that may give rise to well‐documented provider behaviors such as absenteeism that can adversely affect service delivery processes and outcomes. We analyze four human resource management (HRM) subsystems: postings, transfers, promotions and disciplinary practices from the perspective of front‐line workers—physicians working in rural healthcare facilities operated by two state governments. We sampled physicians in one “post‐reform” state that has instituted HRM reforms and one “pre‐reform” state that has not. The findings are based on both quantitative and qualitative measurements. The results show that formal rules are undermined by a parallel modus operandi in which desirable posts are often determined by political connections and side payments. The evidence suggests an institutional environment in which formal rules of accountability are trumped by a parallel set of accountabilities. These systems appear so entrenched that reforms have borne no significant effect. Copyright © 2015 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. 相似文献
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How does the American public assess risk when it comes to national security issues? This paper addresses this question by analyzing variation in citizen probability assessments of the terrorism risk of nuclear power plants. Drawing on the literature on how motivated reasoning, selective information processing, and domain‐specific knowledge influence public opinion, we argue that heterogeneous issue preferences and knowledge of nuclear energy and homeland security have important explanatory power. Using original data from a unique 2009 national survey in the United States, we show that Americans are divided in their probability assessments of the terrorism risk of nuclear power plants. Consistent with our theoretical expectations, individuals who support using nuclear power to meet rising energy demands, who are generally less concerned with terrorism, or who are more knowledgeable about terrorism and nuclear security tend to provide lower assessments of the likelihood that nuclear power plants increase terrorist attacks, and vice versa. The findings have implications for the literature on public opinion, risk assessment, energy policy and planning, and homeland security. 相似文献
15.
James Gerard Caillier 《Public Performance & Management Review》2020,43(4):918-941
AbstractResearch is lacking concerning the impact of leadership styles on citizen attitudes toward the performance of government leaders. To address this gap, an online experimental survey was conducted to determine the effect of leadership styles on respondents’ perceptions regarding a fictitious superintendent’s performance in a school district. The results demonstrate that democratic leadership practices enhanced the performance reviews of the superintendent, while autocratic leadership practices decreased them. Respondents’ level of public service motivation (PSM) was also found to have a positive effect on the superintendent’s performance ratings. Furthermore, democratic leadership style moderated the relationship between PSM and the performance ratings assigned by respondents. In particular, individuals with high PSM rated the performance of democratic leaders higher as compared to individuals with low PSM. However, autocratic leadership was not found to moderate the relationship between PSM and the superintendent’s performance. These results are thoroughly discussed in the paper. 相似文献
16.
Gerard Delanty 《Citizenship Studies》1998,2(2):353-358
Citizenship, Nationality and Migration in Europe. David Cescarani and Mary Fulbrook (Eds), London, Routledge, 1996, hbk and pbk, pp. 225
Citizenship, Europe and Change. Paul Close, London, Macmillan, 1995, hbk and pbk, pp. 335
Citizenship and Democratic Control in Contemporary Europe. Barbara Einhorn, Mary Kaldor and Zenek Kavan (Eds), Cheltenham, Edgar Elgar, 1997, hbk, pp. 239
Citizenship, Democracy and Justice in the New Europe. Percy Lehning and Albert Weale (Eds), London, Routledge, 1997, hbk and pbk, pp. 212 相似文献
17.
In the spring of 2014, some anti-Maidan protestors in southeast Ukraine, in alliance with activists from Russia, agitated for the creation of a large separatist entity on Ukrainian territory. These efforts sought to revive a historic region called Novorossiya (“New Russia”) on the northern shores of the Black Sea that was created by Russian imperial colonizers. In public remarks, Vladimir Putin cited Novorossiya as a historic and contemporary home of a two-part interest group, ethnic Russian and Russian-speaking Ukrainians, supposedly under threat in Ukraine. Anti-Maidan agitation in Ukraine gave way to outright secession in April 2014, as armed rebel groups established the Donetsk People’s Republic and Luhans’k People’s Republic on parts of the eponymous Ukrainian oblasts. Rebel leaders aspired to create a renewed Novorossiya that incorporated all of eastern and southern Ukraine from Kharkiv to Odesa oblasts. To examine the level of support for this secessionist imaginary in the targeted oblasts, our large scientific poll in December 2014 revealed the Novorossiya project had minority support, between 20 and 25% of the population. About half of the sample believed that the concept of Novorossiya was a “historical myth” and that its resuscitation and promotion was the result of “Russian political technologies.” Analysis of the responses by socio-demographic categories indicated that for ethnic Russians, residents of the oblasts of Kharkiv and Odesa, for older and poorer residents, and especially for those who retain a nostalgic positive opinion about the Soviet Union, the motivations and aims of the Novorossiya project had significant support. 相似文献
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Gerard Delanty 《Citizenship Studies》1997,1(3):285-303
Citizenship implies membership of a political community and is internally defined by rights, duties, participation, and identity. It has traditionally been subordinate to nationality, which defines the territorial limits of citizenship. In order to theorize forms of citizenship that go beyond the spatial domain of nationality, citizenship must be seen as multilayered, operating on the regional, national and supranational levels. European citizenship as postnational citizenship is compatible with other forms of citizenship and could become an important dimension to the integration of European society in the twenty first century. At the moment, however, the tendency is to define European citizenship in terms of, on the one hand, a formal and derivative citizenship based on rights and which is mostly supplementary to national citizenship and, on the other hand, a European supranationality defined by reference to an exclusivist conception of European cultural identity. This conception of European identity and citizenship neglects other possibilities which European integration offers. 相似文献
20.
Gerard N. Magliocca 《Law & social inquiry》2018,43(1):267-281
This essay on Madison's Hand: Revising the Constitutional Convention, Mary Bilder's revisionist account (2016) of James Madison's Notes on the Constitutional Convention argues that her central thesis, which is that Madison substantially revised the Notes long after the Convention adjourned, is groundbreaking but will have no effect on constitutional law. Madison's Hand is groundbreaking because the book yields many powerful insights into the deliberations of the Convention and into the evolution of Madison's thought. Nevertheless, constitutional practice in the Supreme Court and among elite lawyers is so divorced from the Notes that even a dramatic shift in their interpretation will not disturb the evolution of judicial doctrine applying the text written in 1787. 相似文献