Mobilisierung durch das Internet? Ergebnisse einer empirischen Längsschnittuntersuchung zum Einfluss des Internets auf die politische Kommunikation der Bürger

Starting point of the study is the question of what effects the Internet may have on individual political communication of citizens. The possible hypotheses vary from a general mobilization over growing differences in political communication (“digital divide”) to a general decline of political activities. The authors conducted a panel survey among inhabitants of two German cities to answer this question. It can be shown that people don’t drive back their political offline-communication after getting access to the Internet, the new possibilities of online communication are employed complementary. The most effectful means of political communication on the Internet are those of interpersonal communication (e-mail, chat). An analysis of variance shows that the Internet accounts for a significant amount of the increase in political communication of Internet users. This findings suggests that the Internet may change the individual evaluation of costs and benefits of some means of communication     

Incumbency effects in political campaigns

In this paper we examine two effects of incumbency. First, an incumbent may have an advantage in creating a favorable image in the eyes of the voters. Second, the incumbent may have to chose a position before the challenger; this second aspect of incumbency is modelled as Stackelberg leadership. In the model two candidates run for election by choosing a position in an ideological spectrum. Voters care about candidates' chosen positions as well as non-policy attributes of candidates, which we call charisma. Charismata are not known when candidates choose policy positions; they are only revealed on election day so that winning is not usually a certain prospect. Candidates care about the probability of winning but they also dislike compromising their own ideals.We find that the incumbent's equilibrium position is closer to his/her own ideal point than the equilibrium position of the game when moves are simultaneous. Also, for sufficiently large charismatic differences a natural leadership regime prevails: the candidate with the large charismatic advantage prefers being a leader to being a follower and the opponent prefers being a follower. If the difference in charismata is small both players prefer to be followers     

Reviews

Big Men, Small Boys and Politics in Ghana: Power, Ideology and the Burden of History, 1982–1994 by Paul Nugent. Pinter Publishing Limited (London and New York). 1995. xiv plus 306pp. including bibliography and index. £35 or $63 hardback.

Understanding Contemporary Africa (2nd edition) edited by April A. Gordon and Donald L. Gordon. Lynne Rienner Publishers, Boulder and London. 1996. xiv plus 432pp. including maps, illustrations, notes, bibliographies, appendices and index.

The Politics of Difference: Ethnic Premises in a World of Power edited by Edwin N. Wilmsen and Patrick McAllister. University of Chicago Press: Chicago and London. 1996. ix plus 210pp.

The Multilateral Development Banks. Volume 1. The African Development Bank by E. Philip English and Harris M. Mule. The North‐South Institute. Ottawa. 1996. xvi plus 213pp.

Brothers at War: Dissidence and Rebellion in Southern Africa by Abiodun Alao. British Academic Press, London and New York. 1994. xiii plus 201pp. including notes, bibliography, index. £39.50. Hardback.

Now that We are Free: Coloured Communities in Democratic South Africa edited by Wilmot James, Daria Caliguire and Kerry Cullinan. Lynne Rienner Publishing, Boulder (Colorado) and London. 1996. 142pp.

Imperialism or Solidarity? International Labour and South African Trade Unions by Roger Southall. University of Cape Town Press, Cape Town. 1995. 398pp.

The Aid Relationship in Zambia: A Conflict Scenario by Oliver Saasa and Jerker Carlsson. Institute for African Studies, Lusaka (Zambia) and Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala (Sweden). 1996. 170pp. including figures, tables, notes, bibliography and index. Paperback.     

Logics of action and models of capitalism: Explaining bottom‐up non‐liberal change

Recent institutionalist scholarship has theorized the liberalization or “disorganization” of capitalism as the result of shifts in economic actors' “logic of action” towards opportunism. Little attention has been given to the reverse possibility that shifts in economic actors' “logic of action” away from opportunism might contribute to “embedding” or “organizing” capitalism. This paper builds on recent scholarship to theorize this scenario and then demonstrate its empirical validity with an historical institutionalist study of the emergence of such a “non‐liberal” institution in Switzerland in 1961. The theoretical framework links three “logics of action” – opportunism, enlightened self‐interest and strong solidarity – to Höpner's typology of capitalist institutions – organized, coordinated, and liberal. It theorizes the interactions between these logics and the social mechanism – goal signaling – that can explain a shift from one logic of action to another, potentially leading to change from one type of institution to another.     

Entwicklungslinien der Politischen Theorie in Deutschland seit 1945

In this article we map out the development of German political theory since 1945 and locate it within the international context. For this purpose we track concepts which were central in shaping the scholarly controversies within the field. We distinguish between organizational concepts (democracy, state, power, system, institution), normative ideas (justice, common welfare, recognition) and new themes (gender, discourse, globalization). The resulting picture of the development of political theory replaces the common idea of three phases with a decisive break at the beginning of the 1980s.     

Die Haushaltsrechtsreform des Bundes

Dieser Artikel beschreibt das wohl weitreichendste, gleichwohl aber von der Öffentlichkeit weitgehend unbemerkte Reformwerk der vergangenen Legislaturperiode. Die Haushaltsrechtsreform des Bundes wird in diesem Text nicht aus juristischer Perspektive kommentiert. Vielmehr versucht der Autor, einen allgemein verständlichen Überblick über das facettenreiche und sehr umfängliche Reformwerk zu geben, das in seinen Details noch immer im Entstehen begriffen ist. Die Grundthese des Autors lautet, dass diese Reform in ihren absehbaren Auswirkungen weit über das Haushaltsrecht selbst hinaus wirkt und zu wesentlichen Veränderungen in der gesamten Bundesverwaltung und in wichtigen anderen Politikbereichen führen könnte. Der Kern der Reform ist gleichsam die Etablierung eines permanent weiter wirkenden Reformmotors, dessen Herz die Wirkungsorientierung darstellt.     

Herabsetzung des Wahlalters auf 16 Jahre – Fortschritt oder Irrweg

Im vorliegenden Beitrag werden verschiedene Fragen diskutiert, die sich im Zusammenhang mit der Herabsetzung des Wahlalters für die Nationalratswahlen auf 16 Jahre ergeben. Insbesondere wird auf mögliche Inkonsistenzen infolge höherer Altersgrenzen in anderen Bundesgesetzen, die ebenfalls auf eine entsprechende Reife von Jugendlichen abstellen, eingegangen. So stellt sich etwa die Frage, ob Personen, die noch nicht voll geschäftsfähig sind, schon die geistige Reife haben, um auf Bundesebene zu wählen.