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471.
The present paper surveys the prospects and possibilities of regulating the application areas of Future and Emerging Technologies (FET) – or in a broader sense, of influencing the future way of life – at the intersection of law, technology and society. It dissects the anticipated further erosion of personal privacy – the focus area of the essay – caused by technological developments and related interests. After sketching out an ironic dystopia, in which the idea of transparency is foisted upon the public by future technological developments, the author contemplates the relationships between legal regulation and the underlying values in the predictable but unknowable milieu of future life conditions. While studying the immutability of fundamental values, the author offers a brief survey of the role of public opinion, as well as of the limitations of taking into account the majority opinion, followed by a thought experiment about the possible ways of regulating the “Code”, approaching it from the direction of two fundamental rights, the right to human dignity and the freedom of academic research. After reaching conflicting conclusions and making a few suggestions about possible ways to regulate the area, the author makes a proposal about the introduction of a small-scale experimental tool, metaphorically named as a predictive learning model of regulation. Despite the difficulties and the uncertainties, the essay's overall perspective on the role of legal regulation is not a pessimistic one, as long as it is used flexibly and in conjunction with other means of regulation. 相似文献
472.
Nicholas KhooAuthor Vitae 《Orbis》2014,58(2):182-197
The author contends that prominent strands in the recent literature on Asia's international relations reflect a lack of appreciation for the actual policy of regional states, which is deeply realist in orientation. 相似文献
473.
June Teufel DreyerAuthor Vitae 《Orbis》2014,58(3):326-341
According to integration theory, growing economic interdependence between China and Japan should have spilled over into more cordial political relations. The opposite occurred, as summarized in the phrase “hot economics, cold politics.” Even as both sides acknowledge the value of cooperation for shared benefit, commercial and strategic rivalries have intensified, calling into question the validity of integration theory. 相似文献
474.
Rasika DayarathnaAuthor Vitae 《Computer Law & Security Report》2009,25(2):165-172
The principle of information security safeguards is a key information privacy principle contained in every privacy legislation measure, framework, and guideline. This principle requires data controllers to use an adequate level of safeguards before processing personal information. However, privacy literature neither explains what this adequate level is nor how to achieve it. Hence, a knowledge gap has been created between privacy advocates and data controllers who are responsible for providing adequate protection. This paper takes a step toward bridging this knowledge gap by presenting an analysis of how Data Protection and Privacy Commissioners have evaluated the adequacy level of security protection measures given to personal information in selected privacy invasive cases. This study addresses both security measures used to protect personal information against unauthorized activities and the use of personal information in authentication mechanisms. This analysis also lays a foundation for building a set of guidelines that can be used by data controllers for designing, implementing, and operating both technological and organizational measures used to protect personal information. 相似文献
475.
Bradley L. Bowman Author Vitae 《Orbis》2008,52(4):627-642
This article examines the historical record of “nuclear rollback” and the motivations for Iran's apparent pursuit of a nuclear weapons capability in order to identify the broad principles that should guide U.S. and international efforts to resolve the nuclear crisis with Iran.1 The author argues that Iran, like all states, seeks security and respect. For many Iranians, the past three decades provide proof that such security and respect can only be attained with a strategic nuclear deterrent. In 2009, if the United States can show Tehran a genuine path to security and prestige that does not require nuclear weapons, Tehran might give it serious consideration. However, if the United States and the international community fail to address Iran's legitimate need for security or its desire for international respect, Bowman believes it may only be a matter of time until Iran obtains a nuclear weapons capability. 相似文献
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