Treatment of Gang Members Can Reduce Recidivism and Institutional Misconduct

Gang violence creates serious safety and security concerns in the community and prisons. Treated gang and nongang members recidivated significantly less in a 24-month follow-up than their untreated matched controls. Treatment consisted of high intensity cognitive-behavioral programs that follow the risk, need, and responsivity principles (Andrews & Bonta, 2003). The treated gang members who recidivated violently after treatment received significantly shorter sentences (i.e. they committed less serious offences) than their untreated matched controls. Untreated gang members had significantly higher rates of major (but not minor) institutional offences than the other three groups. Correctional treatment that follows the risk, need and responsivity principles appears able to reduce recidivism and major institutional misconduct. Effective correctional treatment should be considered as one of the approaches in the management and rehabilitation of incarcerated gang members.     

Fatal impalement with transfixion of the neck in a road traffic accident

The authors describe a singular case of fatal impalement due to penetration of a metal tube at the level of the neck in a victim of a road traffic accident. The man was traveling in the passenger seat ("death seat") of a car that hit the parapet of a bridge head on; death was attributed to hemorrhagic shock, which was brought on virtually instantly at the moment of impact.     

Anomalies and alterations of the hyoid-larynx complex in forensic radiographic studies

The authors illustrate the anatomic interest of the hyoid-larynx complex in the differential diagnosis of traumatic lesions, purely anatomic anomalies, and lesions resulting from natural causes. Forty larynges from corpses undergoing autopsy at the Institute of Legal Medicine of the University of Trieste were studied during the period May 1996 to May 2001. The larynges were excised and examined through radiographic magnification with dedicated mammographic equipment. Triticeous cartilages were evidenced in 12 (30%), they were bilateral in 7 (17.5%) and monolateral in 5 (12.5%). These cartilages were more frequent in men (8 out of 26; 31%) than in women, 4 out of 14 (28.5%).Total fusion of the body of the hyoid bone with the greater horns was revealed in 10 (25%), partial fusion in 4 (10%), and evident articular rima between the body and the greater horns of the hyoid bone in 14 (35%).The lesser horns of the hyoid bone were symmetrical in 29 (72.5%), asymmetric in 11 (27.5), absent in 1 (2.5%). While confirming the validity of the radiographic method used, we conclude that great care should be taken when diagnosing traumatic lesions of the hyoid-larynx complex. This diagnosis is often difficult to establish owing to the considerable frequency of anatomic anomalies of the complex.     

社会性别特征与领导风格性别差异实证研究

本文采用实证的方法探讨了男女两性管理者在个性特征、领导风格方面是否存在差异以及它们之间的相关关系。研究结果表明:在男性化特征上,男性表现的更为明显,但在女性化特征上,男女管理者并不存在显著的差异;在领导风格方面,男性更注重以任务为导向,但在以关心为导向方面,两性管理者不存在显著差异;男性化特征与以任务为导向的领导风格存在正相关关系,而女性化特征与以关心为导向的领导风格存在正相关关系。本文的研究可以为组织挑选合适的管理者提供一定参考。     

The issue of instability in a simple policy game between the central bank and a representative union

In the recent economic literature the independence of the central bank is often considered to be one of the most effective guarantees to achieve price stability. A strong theoretical basis for this proposition is that the monetary policy delegation given to an independent central bank is an optimal instrument to avoid the time inconsistency problem of monetary policy. This paper investigates the stability properties of this solution in a simple game in which the private sector (i.e. the trade unions) and the public sector (i.e. the central bank) simultaneously interact. A representative monopoly union is considered, and – in line with the recent economic debate – two types of unions are investigated: (i) the standard micro-founded trade union; (ii) the inflation-averse trade union. In both cases, we find that the requirement for the Nash equilibrium to be stable imposes a limit to the conservativeness of the central bank. Instability of the Nash equilibrium reveals a strategic co-ordination failure between the public and the private sector.     

现阶段私营企业劳动者地位探讨

现阶段的私营企业劳动者初步具备了工人阶级的基本特征,是我国工人阶级的重要组成部分。由于私营企业的党组织和工会力量薄弱,党的政策没有得到全面落实,适应社会主义市场经济体制的法律法规尚未完全建立起来,造成私营企业劳动者在企业中处于弱势地位。因此,必须加强党组织在私营企业中的覆盖面,全面落实党在新的历史时期的政策,完善、健全《劳动法》及其相关法律,切实提高私营企业劳动者在企业的地位,维护他们的合法权益。     

Case report of a homicide by a shotgun loaded with unusual ammunition

Reported is the case of a man killed by a neighbor with a shotgun loaded with a unusual ammunition. The cartridge contained several shots chained together by metallic wires. Such ammunition has been used for hunting purposes but is now banned, so it can be handmade only. The joined pellets produce a wound with features that are different from those of a wound made by a regular load of pellets. Several interpretive problems are caused by the unknown number of pellets contained in the shell and the effects of the wire holding the shot together.     

Allele sharing in first-degree and unrelated pairs of individuals in the Ge F I AmpFlSTR Profiler Plus database

Eleven Italian forensic laboratories participated in a population study based on the AB Profiler Plus loci with proficiency testing. The validated database, including 1340 individuals, is available on-line. Tests for Hardy-Weinberg equilibrium, gametic unbalance, and heterogeneity of gene frequency were generally not significant. Gene frequencies at each locus were consistent with those of two previously published Italian studies, but different from a third. Individuals of each subsample were paired, and the total number of alleles shared across the nine loci was determined in each pair. The analysis was replicated over the total sample. In addition, two samples of mother-child pairs (N=315) and full-sib pairs (N=91) were subjected to allele sharing analysis. The resulting distributions were sufficiently distinct from the sample of unrelated pairs as to be of practical usefulness.     

How to lose a majority: the competition in single–member districts

Abstract Few observers expected that the 1966 elections in Italy would yield a clear–cut outcome. Even fewer people expected that, after the disastrous results of the previous elections, the centre–left coalition would be able to gain a majority of seats in both branches of Parliament. Yet this is precisely what happened on 21 April 1996. This article tries to explain the comeback of the 1994 losers by focusing on three factors which have changed the electoral balance between the two major coalitions in the single–member districts. The first factor was the ability of the centre–left coalition (Ulivo–RC) to broaden its range while its major rival (the Polo) lost key allies. The result has been a more competitive stand of centre–left candidates, particularly in the North. The Polo lost the support of the Lega Nord and suffered the split of the Movimento Sociale on its right. These defections, along with others, led to the loss of a considerable number of seats. Finally, the Polo also suffered from the defection of a considerable number of its voters who voted for one of the parties of the centre–right coalition in the proportional arena, but refused to vote for the Polo candidate in the single–member districts. We conclude by suggesting a number of hypotheses that could explain this split–ticket phenomenon.     

Electoral alliances: Party identities and coalition games

The emergence of electoral alliances competing for plurality seats has been one of the main consequences stemming form the introduction of the new electoral laws for the Senate and the Chamber of deputies in Italy. This paper analyzes the politics of electoral alliances at the general elections of April 1996, focusing on two factors: the making of electoral alliances and their internal arrangements for coalition management. From both points of view, the elections have shown some important new developments, including a simplification in the number of coalitions. But although the centre–left alliance was able to broaden its range, the centre–right lost the Lega Nord and suffered the split of Movimento sociale–Fiamma tricolore on its right. Moreover, the centre–right alliance also suffered from a lack of cohesion, wasting its previous coalitional capability. As in the 1994 elections the politics of electoral alliances proved to be a key factor in the electoral competition.