全文获取类型
收费全文 | 143篇 |
免费 | 4篇 |
专业分类
各国政治 | 7篇 |
工人农民 | 10篇 |
世界政治 | 15篇 |
外交国际关系 | 8篇 |
法律 | 68篇 |
中国政治 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 37篇 |
综合类 | 1篇 |
出版年
2019年 | 2篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 6篇 |
2016年 | 2篇 |
2015年 | 4篇 |
2014年 | 5篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 3篇 |
2011年 | 4篇 |
2010年 | 5篇 |
2009年 | 9篇 |
2008年 | 7篇 |
2007年 | 5篇 |
2006年 | 5篇 |
2005年 | 6篇 |
2004年 | 9篇 |
2003年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 4篇 |
2001年 | 2篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 2篇 |
1996年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 2篇 |
1993年 | 4篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1991年 | 4篇 |
1990年 | 3篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1987年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1983年 | 2篇 |
1981年 | 2篇 |
1980年 | 6篇 |
1978年 | 1篇 |
1977年 | 1篇 |
1976年 | 1篇 |
1975年 | 1篇 |
1970年 | 2篇 |
1968年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有147条查询结果,搜索用时 31 毫秒
21.
22.
Clark C. Gibson 《Swiss Political Science Review》2000,6(1):87-121
“Messy” democratic political institutions might generate ineffective conservation policy watered down by competing interest groups and rival political parties. A hardcore environmentalist may believe that a pro‐conservation dictatorship would be the type government best able to meet her goals. Such an environmental fantasy became reality in Zambia under President (1972‐1991) Kenneth Kaunda. But despite his dictatorial powers, he did not have much success in curbing the poaching epidemic that swept through Zambia in the 1970s and 80s. The structure of the one‐party state, together with a fall in the price of Zambia's principal export (copper) and a concomitant increase in the value of many wildlife products, created an environment that generated incentives for politicians, bureaucrats, and citizens to disregard Kaunda. This analysis challenges conventional wisdom about the politics of one‐party states. It shows that even in the case of one‐party government, the structure of political institutions remains critical to the extent of a dictator's control. 相似文献
23.
Christopher Gibson Michael Woolcock 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》2008,43(2):151-180
The salience of the concept of “empowerment” has been deductively claimed more often than carefully defined or inductively
assessed by development scholars and practitioners alike. We use evidence from a mixed methods examination of the Kecamatan
(subdistrict) Development Project (KDP) in rural Indonesia, which we define here as development interventions that build marginalized
groups’ capacity to engage local-level governing elites using routines of deliberative contestation. “Deliberative contestation”
refers to marginalized groups’ practice of exercising associational autonomy in public forums using fairness-based arguments
that challenge governing elites’ monopoly over public resource allocation decisions. Deliberative development interventions
such as KDP possess a comparative advantage in building the capacity to engage because they actively provide open decision-making
spaces, resources for argumentation (such as facilitators), and incentives to participate. They also promote peaceful resolutions
to the conflicts they inevitably spark. In the KDP conflicts we analyze, marginalized groups used deliberative contestation
to moderately but consistently shift local-level power relations in contexts with both low and high preexisting capacities
for managing conflict. By contrast, marginalized groups in non-KDP development conflicts from comparable villages used “mobilizational
contestation” to generate comparatively erratic shifts in power relations, shifts that depended greatly on the preexisting
capacity for managing conflict.
Christopher Gibson is a Ph.D. student in sociology at Brown University. His research interests include comparative political economy, participatory democracy, contemporary sociological theory, qualitative methodology, and long-run causes of development and inequality in large developing countries. He is currently exploring the relationship between democratic participation and redistribution in Kerala, India. Michael Woolcock is professor of social science and development policy, and research director of the Brooks World Poverty Institute, at the University of Manchester. He is currently on external service leave from the World Bank’s Development Research Group. 相似文献
Michael Woolcock (Corresponding author)Email: |
Christopher Gibson is a Ph.D. student in sociology at Brown University. His research interests include comparative political economy, participatory democracy, contemporary sociological theory, qualitative methodology, and long-run causes of development and inequality in large developing countries. He is currently exploring the relationship between democratic participation and redistribution in Kerala, India. Michael Woolcock is professor of social science and development policy, and research director of the Brooks World Poverty Institute, at the University of Manchester. He is currently on external service leave from the World Bank’s Development Research Group. 相似文献
24.
25.
26.
John Gibson 《Public administration》1998,76(4):629-647
The focus of attention in this article is on the major shift in Education Standard Spending Assessments, and with it central grants, in favour of Inner London which first took place in 1990, and has persisted since then. This coincided both with the abolition of the Inner London Education Authority and the transfer of education responsibilities to the Inner London Boroughs, and the introduction of the poll tax. The objective of this article is to test whether this shift in favour of Inner London was due to political manipulation or, instead, was another example of the long-established technical characteristic of 'feedback' in spending needs assessments in the English local finance system. A test is devised which distinguishes between these two explanations and involves the use of an Inner London dummy variable. The results provide strong evidence of political manipulation. The implications of this finding are considered. 相似文献
27.
28.
29.
This article reviews the growing literature on financial reform in developing countries. We draw both on the theoretical contributions outlining the case for and against liberalisation as well as on the experience of many developing countries with liberalisation. We argue that the existence of market failures in financial markets hampers the liberalisation process and indeed suggests that the simple liberalising strategy envisaged in much of the literature is inappropriate. We argue instead for an alternative strategy which integrates some aspects of liberalisation with the development of appropriate financial institutions designed to serve best the needs of the real economy. 相似文献
30.
James L. Gibson 《Law & society review》2008,42(4):899-928
A new era has emerged in the ways in which candidates for state judicial office campaign. In the past, judicial elections were largely devoid of policy content, with candidates typically touting their judicial experience and other preparation for serving as a judge. Today, in many if not most states, such campaigns are relics of the past. Modern judicial campaigns have adopted many of the practices of candidates for other types of political office, including soliciting campaign contributions, using attack ads, and even making promises about how they will decide issues if elected to the bench. Not surprisingly, this new style of judicial campaigning has caused considerable consternation among observers of the courts, with many fearing that such activity will undermine the very legitimacy of legal institutions. Such fears, however, are grounded in practically no rigorous empirical evidence on the effects of campaign activity on public evaluations of judicial institutions. The purpose of this article is to investigate the effects of campaign activity on the perceived legitimacy of courts. Using survey data drawn from Kentucky, I use both post hoc and experimental methods to assess whether public perceptions of courts are influenced by various sorts of campaign activity. In general, my findings are that different types of campaign activity have quite different consequences. For instance, policy pronouncements by candidates do not undermine judicial legitimacy, whereas policy promises do. Throughout the analysis, I compare perceptions of courts and legislatures, and often find that courts are far less unique than many ordinarily assume. I conclude this article with a discussion of the implications of the findings for the contemporary debate over the use of elections to select judges to the high courts of many of the American states. 相似文献