全文获取类型
收费全文 | 92篇 |
免费 | 2篇 |
专业分类
工人农民 | 4篇 |
世界政治 | 8篇 |
外交国际关系 | 11篇 |
法律 | 40篇 |
中国共产党 | 1篇 |
政治理论 | 30篇 |
出版年
2022年 | 1篇 |
2021年 | 1篇 |
2020年 | 1篇 |
2019年 | 4篇 |
2018年 | 3篇 |
2017年 | 1篇 |
2016年 | 3篇 |
2014年 | 2篇 |
2013年 | 17篇 |
2012年 | 5篇 |
2010年 | 4篇 |
2009年 | 6篇 |
2008年 | 4篇 |
2007年 | 2篇 |
2006年 | 3篇 |
2005年 | 3篇 |
2004年 | 3篇 |
2002年 | 2篇 |
2001年 | 5篇 |
2000年 | 3篇 |
1999年 | 2篇 |
1998年 | 3篇 |
1997年 | 2篇 |
1995年 | 1篇 |
1994年 | 1篇 |
1992年 | 2篇 |
1989年 | 2篇 |
1988年 | 1篇 |
1986年 | 1篇 |
1985年 | 1篇 |
1984年 | 1篇 |
1982年 | 1篇 |
1981年 | 1篇 |
1974年 | 1篇 |
1966年 | 1篇 |
排序方式: 共有94条查询结果,搜索用时 15 毫秒
31.
This study draws on the social-discount and social-rejection hypotheses to examine the effect of perceived discrimination
on immigrant youths’ depressive moods, self-efficacy, and preferences for in-group socialization experiences. Data from a
panel study of immigrant young adolescents (aged 12–18) who came to Israel from countries of the former Soviet Union during
the preceding 6 years was used (n = 732). The average age of participants was 15.5 years; and 50% were boys. Partial support emerged for the social-rejection
hypothesis: perceived discrimination increases depressive moods and reduces self-esteem. Yet increased perceived discrimination
did not increase the preference for in-group socialization. Perceived discrimination seems to be detrimental to individuals’
psychological well-being but apparently does not hinder social integration.
相似文献
Gustavo S. MeschEmail: |
32.
David Fishman 《The Political quarterly》2017,88(2):335-337
33.
34.
35.
The view that the choices people make affect what it is fair for them to receive has widespread appeal. This very general thought has found particular and acute expression in the context of distributive justice in the form of the influential view that has become known as luck egalitarianism. In a surprising development, one of luck egalitarianism’s foremost advocates – G.A. Cohen – appeared, in one of his final papers, to reject the commitment to the fairness of chosen inequalities that defines luck egalitarianism. In opposition to the luck egalitarian view, Cohen suggests that choice merely deprives the disadvantaged of a complaint against being worse off, rather than rendering such inequality fair. Against Cohen’s revised view, Andrew Williams has argued that Cohen’s move underestimates an account of equality under which what individuals choose to do with their equal allocation affects what it is to treat them fairly. Here, I seek to show how the Williams response fails to undermine Cohen’s claims about the relation between fairness and choice. I draw on this analysis to show how the disagreement between Williams and Cohen on this issue illuminates a broader methodological divergence over how to approach questions of justice and fairness. 相似文献
36.
Abstract Where analysis concludes that a context is characterised by high risk, as in thecase given HIV/AIDS in South Africa, individual choice and freedom are often negated, for instance, by social scientists when they resort to the statistical logic of large numbers. Ironically, given that knowledge and rationality are arguably related, the choice and freedom of the individual deemed not to have knowledge about a given issue, is questioned and soon negated. By focusing on the black people in South africa, as a key example, it is argued that such analyses and solutions deny the existential possibilities of the people. The aim of this article is to affirm an individual's possibilities. The situation of the individual who communicates is recalled to argue against approaches that variously seek to blame the individual. In the time of HIV/AIDS, ideas such as those of Søren Kiekegaard should be engaged to advance understanding of the limitations and possibilities of the individual who communicates. In the trasition from understanding to acting on information on HIV/AIDS, the individual has the freedom to choose. This is humbling for communication scientists and practioners who seek to prevent the further spread of HIV/AIDS. 相似文献
37.
Gideon Aran 《Terrorism and Political Violence》2013,25(5):987-1005
ABSTRACTThis essay presents some preliminary notes in an anthropological perspective on terrorism. The following aims to be a questioning review of issues that haunt informed students of terrorism, and yet also an introductory text to the study of terrorism. It is revisionist but didactic. The essay is based on extended research of Palestinian and Israeli terrorism cases, and on critical integration of the literature on terrorism. It offers an alternative approach to the problem of the definition and distinct character of terrorism, expands on overlooked aspects of terrorism, like its relationship to the concept of “home,” emphasizes under-theorized subjects, like the randomness of the targets, and discusses hitherto untouched topics, like the “bad death” of terrorism’s victims. Terrorism is examined in terms of liminality and hybridity, and consequently as more subversive than coercive, threatening our ontological security no less than our physical security. 相似文献
38.
The authors' previous research has established that the 1967 Arab–Israeli Six-Day War resulted from a deliberate Soviet plan to provoke Israel into a pre-emptive strike, which would legitimize and trigger a massive Soviet military intervention to aid an Egyptian–Syrian counteroffensive. However, US documents released until recently provided no evidence that the American intelligence community, and particularly the CIA, detected this threat or informed the political leadership about it – even though some indications were picked up at the field level. A newly declassified, retrospective report appears for the first time to show that there was awareness of major components of the Soviet operation (preparations for a naval landing and parachute drop). But closer scrutiny finds that this report reflects Soviet propaganda more than factual intelligence – thus further tarnishing what has hitherto been held as an outstanding achievement for the Agency and its chief. 相似文献
39.
Elliot A. Fishman 《The Journal of Technology Transfer》2010,35(4):432-444
Should intellectual property (IP) management be considered a required course in Technology Management curricula? If so, what knowledge and skills should be conveyed in a one-semester course? What is the best way to teach this material? This paper presents evidence that intellectual property management should be of central importance to technology management (TM) programs and that professionally vital knowledge can be taught to MBA and Management of Technology (MOT) students without legal backgrounds. IP management can be seen as a curricular locus, bringing together subjects such as entrepreneurship, technology strategy, and technology transfer. At Stevens Institute of Technology, we’ve taken the position that IP Management should be taught as a distinct course in a technology management program on equal footing with more traditional course offerings such as Marketing and Finance. We reflect upon 4 years’ teaching experience and present evidence from former students that the course fulfills its mission to be professionally relevant and pedagogically unifying to technology management programs. 相似文献
40.
Warfare is often thought of as the antithesis of Coasean bargaining over entitlements because armed conflicts consume real resources whose destruction could be avoided by negotiated solutions. We argue that fighting and negotiating are not mutually exclusive methods of resolving disputes between nations—there can often be a useful role for bargaining between a state and agents of its enemy, even when armed conflict has broken out between opposing states. We evaluate the efficacy and normative desirability of selectively substituting “bribes” for “bombs” as a means of warfare. We show how inter-country disparities in wealth, differences in military strength, the organization of the bribing and recipient forces, uncertainty about the outcome of the conflict, and communications technology can contribute to the efficacy of bribes. We discuss methods for enforcing bargains struck between opposing forces, a key problem in structuring bribes. We also examine the legal status of bribe agreements, under both international and US law. While the former apparently views bribery as legitimate means of warfare, the latter poses a potentially significant obstacle by refusing on public policy grounds to enforce secret contracts made with foreign agents. 相似文献