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211.
Abstract This paper provides a comprehensive evaluation of market segmentation and lender/purchaser specialization in the primary and secondary mortgage markets. It describes and assesses the 1990 Home Mortgage Disclosure Act (HMDA) data, which for the first time provide detailed information on the borrower and neighborhood racial and income characteristics of mortgage loan originations and securitizations in the primary and secondary mortgage markets. Evidence presented in the paper indicates that home purchase loan origination rates for black applicants—and, to a lesser degree, Hispanic applicants—appear to be significantly lower than those of other racial or ethnic groups. Similarly, the HMDA data reveal that home purchase mortgage origination rates in predominantly minority census tracts are significantly lower than those in predominantly white neighborhoods. The HMDA data also indicate a striking reliance of black borrowers on government‐backed forms of mortgage credit. The paper further reveals that secondary market loan purchase distributions arrayed by borrower and neighborhood characteristics generally reflect those of home mortgage originations. The borrower and locational characteristics of home purchase loans acquired by the Government National Mortgage Association (GNMA) directly reflect that agency's legislated specialization in government‐backed loans, whereas the characteristics of loans acquired by Fannie Mae and Freddie Mac for the most part derive from the borrower and geographic composition of conventional home purchase loan originations. Findings of analyses of HMDA data raise concern regarding the access of minority and low‐income households and neighborhoods to mortgage finance. Those results also raise some question as to whether the federally chartered agencies in the secondary market are adequately promoting the availability of mortgage credit to low‐ and moderate‐income and minority households. 相似文献
212.
213.
A controlled laboratory experiment was conducted in order to investigate the effect of the method of burial (i.e. the presence of coffin and clothing) on the formation of adipocere. This study follows previous studies by the authors who have investigated the effect of physical conditions on the formation of adipocere present in a controlled burial environment. The study utilises infrared spectroscopy to provide a preliminary lipid profile of the remains following a 12 month decomposition period. Inductively coupled plasma-mass spectrometry was employed as a technique for determining the salts of fatty acids present in adipocere. Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (GC-MS) was used as the confirmatory test for the identification and determination of the chemical composition of adipocere which formed in the controlled burial environments. The results suggest that coffins will retard the rate at which adipocere forms but that clothing enhances its formation. The results concur with previous observations on adipocere formation in burial environments. 相似文献
214.
Courtney B. Smith 《和平与变革》2003,28(4):555-569
The United Nations (UN) proclaimed 2001 as the Year of Dialogue among Civilizations in an effort to examine how confrontation and hostility in world politics could be replaced by discourse and understanding. However, in the midst of this process the world was witness to the tragic events of September 11, 2001. Since terrorism represents the antithesis to dialogue, the UN's discussion of these issues became more urgent and focused. Two major documents were produced, but they do not explore adequately the United Nations’ potential role in regard to building dialogue. This article begins this undertaking by considering the UN as a forum for debate where different peoples of the world meet and as a catalyst for an ongoing process of interaction and change. In other words, serious thinking about the UN's role as a vehicle for dialogue requires appreciating both its passive and dynamic characteristics and functions. 相似文献
215.
Singh A Gaur A Shailaja K Satyare Bala B Singh L 《Forensic science international》2004,141(2-3):143-147
India is the home to five of the eight majestic big cats of the world. The three major big cats namely, lion, tiger, and leopard are listed in the Schedule I of the Indian Wildlife Protection Act, 1972. Apart from the severe loss of the habitat, these are continuously facing the danger of extinction mainly due to poaching and hunting for their body parts, which are being greatly valued by apothecaries marketing traditional Chinese medicines. With the advent of polymerase chain reaction (PCR), DNA-based markers have emerged as major tools in the arena of wildlife forensics. Microsatellites (short tandem repeats, STRs) are markers of choice because of their polymorphic and co-dominant nature. These strictly follow the Mendelian inheritance and are highly reproducible. We have identified a new microsatellite (STR) locus Ple 46, which shows amplification in a species-specific manner (size of STR) in all the members of the family felidae studied here. This PCR-based, non-invasive method opens a new avenue to forensic identification of big cats. 相似文献
216.
A wide variety of homemade (country made) firearms are involved in crime cases in India. These firearms are made up of very cheap material and are not safe for firing. Moreover, the country made firearms are different in their design, loading and locking mechanism, cocking and firing arrangements. In this paper we have studied the characteristic features of 300 country made firearms received for examination in the Central Forensic Science Laboratory (CFSL), Chandigarh during last two decades. The characteristic features of these firearms are so unique that the fired crime bullets or cartridges can easily be matched with the test. It is hoped that such information will be useful for firearm experts in case of interpretation. 相似文献
217.
ROYCE CARROLL JEFFREY B. LEWIS JAMES LO KEITH T. POOLE HOWARD ROSENTHAL 《Legislative Studies Quarterly》2009,34(4):555-591
Empirical models of spatial voting allow us to infer legislators' locations in an abstract policy or ideological space using their roll‐call votes. Over the past 25 years, these models have provided new insights about the U.S. Congress, and legislative behavior more generally. There are now a number of alternative models, estimators, and software packages that researchers can use to recover latent issue or ideological spaces from voting data. These different tools usually produce substantively similar estimates, but important differences also arise. We investigated the sources of observed differences between two leading methods, NOMINATE and IDEAL. Using data from the 1994 to 1997 Supreme Court and the 109th Senate, we determined that while some observed differences in the estimates produced by each model stem from fundamental differences in the models' underlying behavioral assumptions, others arise from arbitrary differences in implementation. Our Monte Carlo experiments revealed that neither model has a clear advantage over the other in the recovery of legislator locations or roll‐call midpoints in either large or small legislatures. 相似文献
218.
This article reports the results of two studies. The first study, based on the responses of attorneys to questions about the reasons for the success of mediators with and without prior judicial experience, shows that the capacity of the mediator to gain the confidence of the disputants was most important for mediators with and without prior judicial experience. Although certain process skills were viewed as important to the success of both former judges and nonjudges, in general, process skills were significantly more important for nonjudges than for former judges. The capacity to provide useful case evaluations, on the other hand, was significantly more important for former judges than for nonjudges. The second study, based upon attorney responses to questions about unsatisfactory mediators, reinforced the conclusions of the first study regarding the importance of confidence-building attributes. For both judges and nonjudges, the mediator's inability to gain the confidence of the parties was a major reason for his or her lack of success. 相似文献
219.
We present strong evidence that governing coalitions in Italy exercise significant negative agenda powers. First, governing parties have a roll rate that is nearly 0, and their roll rate is lower than opposition parties' roll rates, which average about 20% on all final‐passage votes. Second, after one controls for distance from the floor median, opposition parties have higher roll rates than government parties. These results strongly suggest that governing parties in Italy are able to control the legislative agenda to their benefit. We also document significantly higher opposition roll rates on decree‐conversion bills and budget bills than on ordinary bills—results consistent with our theoretical analysis of the differing procedures used in each case. 相似文献
220.