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31.
In order to facilitate the interpretation of Family Environment Scale (FES) profiles, Moos and Moos (1976, 1984) developed a typology of family environments based on data drawn from a representative community sample. The present study attempts to extend this work by describing three types of FES profiles from abusive, distressed (clinic referred for child behavior problems), and functional families. All families were impoverished, single parent, and mother-headed. Data were gathered in their homes. Profile types for the three groups and implications for intervention are discussed. 相似文献
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Daniel Glaser 《Law & social inquiry》1985,10(3):619-626
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Amanda Perkins Brian A. Glaser Adrian J. Kunemund 《The journal of forensic psychiatry & psychology》2016,27(5):665-683
This study examines the ability of the Behavior Assessment System for Children, Self Report of Personality-Adolescent, 2nd edition (BASC-2-SRP-A) to predict trauma symptomatology as measured by the Child Report of Post-traumatic Stress among a sample of 59 male and 59 female adjudicated youth. Logistic regression revealed that clinically significant CROPS scores were predicted by BASC-2-SRP Social Stress and Somatization scale scores. A second logistic regression indicated that among youth with significant CROPS scores, gender was predicted by Sensation Seeking and Depression scale scores. Further, 47.4% (n = 56) of juvenile offenders’ CROPS scores were clinically significant, with females scoring significantly higher than males. Results endorse the validity of the CROPS and suggest that with additional analysis the BASC-2-SRP may also have the potential to identify juvenile offenders with a history of trauma. 相似文献
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Bonnie S. Glaser 《当代中国》2001,10(27):303-308
Chinese foreign policy behavior is constrained by different sets of contradictions, but at the same time these contradictions serve to inspire and focus Chinese foreign policy, both in negative and positive ways. As China transitions to a developed country that is fully integrated into regional and global economic, political and security regimes, these contradictions may become less salient, however. With the growth of China's comprehensive national power, the Chinese will come to view their country less as a poor nation and more as a great power and thus this dual-identity syndrome should diminish in importance as a factor constraining China's foreign policy behavior over time. The contradictory impetus behind Chinese foreign policy that derives from the desire to benefit from pursuit of 'open-door' policies and the compulsion to protect state sovereignty will similarly likely become less important as China's power grows, but only if there is mutually acceptable settlement to the Taiwan problem and Beijing's confidence in its ability to secure its territorial integrity is enhanced. A stronger, more confident China will also likely become more actively involved in regional and global issues on a pragmatic, rather than principled basis. Finally, while bilateral ties will remain important to Beijing, its participation in multilateral fora will no doubt increase, including in the security sphere, as it becomes more experienced and self-assured in multilateral interaction. Ultimately, bilateral and multilateralism may take on the role of parallel tracks in Chinese diplomacy with little tension between them. 相似文献
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There are some fascinating historical parallels between Mexico’s giant teacher union, the Mexican National Education Union, and the South African Democratic Teachers Union. Although both teacher unions played an important role in challenging political oligarchies at certain points in their history, they became increasingly protectionist. Through their close affiliation to ruling parties, they were able to wield substantial political influence. In both of these cases, the unions played a controversial role in preventing central government surveillance and intervention in schools. Arguably, this often allowed not only for corruption in appointments and promotions, but also the protection of negligent teachers. There is some evidence to suggest that in protecting their sectional interests, both unions have frequently alienated parents and students at the community level. This paper addresses broader debates about the impact of powerful teacher unions on the quality of public schooling. 相似文献