Migration,memory and mythification: relocation of Suleymani tribes on the northern Ottoman–Iranian frontier

This article indicates that Suleymani tribes, which were relocated from Diyarbekir region en masse to the newly conquered territories of northern Ottoman-Iranian frontiers after the mid-sixteenth-century, created a shift in the administrative and ethnic structure of the region. Although the roles of tribes were mostly seen as subordinate to the power of the Kurdish emirs, this study shows that the chiefs of Suleymani tribes, more specifically Besyan and Heyderan, became the rulers of the newly captured Safavid territories and they did not recognize the authority of their own Suleymani emirs. The writer focuses on this migration and discusses that the relocated Suleymani tribes preserved the collective memory of their migration during the nineteenth-century and their perception shaped the creation of a tribal myth, Mil-and-Zil, after the Ottoman central government disinherited the Kurdish emirs during the mid-nineteenth-century. Suleymani tribes' migration, collective memory and mythification of their own identities show that tribes were not passive subjects but they were in fact at the center of the developments of the Ottoman eastern frontier.     

Overcoming Clientelism Through Local Participatory Institutions in Mexico: What Type of Participation?

This article addresses the relationship between institutionalized citizen participation at the municipal level and clientelism. It argues, contrary to what the literature has suggested, that the institutionalization of local citizen participation does not necessarily lead to the erosion of clientelism. Drawing on a comparative case study of participatory experiences in two Mexican municipalities, León and Nezahualcóyotl, this study argues that participation does matter, but that not all types of participation have the same effect on state‐society relations. Institutional design is important in assessing the significance of popular participation in defining the relationship between the state and its citizens, but informal practices are even more important determinants of citizens' level of autonomy in institutionalized participatory mechanisms. This level of autonomy, in turn, determines the potential for such local institutions to become a means to overcome clientelism as the mechanism traditionally characterizing state‐society relationships in Mexico.     

L'assurance-maladie au Canada: les raisons de l'implication de l‘État

Sommaire: Cet article souligne d'abord brièvenient l'importance politique de l'assurance-maladie au Canada, de même que son importance en tant qu'objet de recherche. Á la suite d'un tour d'horizon des principaux champs d'intérêt de la recherche sur les politiques, l'auteur propose de s'attarder plus longriement à la question de savoir pourquoi le Canada s'est doté de programmes d'assurancemaladie. Cette question est abordée par le biais d'une étude comparative d'Anthony King, publiée en 1973, qui attribuait l'absence de programmes universels d'assurance-maladie aux États-Unis à l'influence prépondérante des Idées, c'est-à-dire des valeurs collectives de la nation américaine. Pouvons-nous également expliquer la présence de tels programmes au Canada par cette variable? L'examen du contexte dans lequel chacun des onze gouverneinents impliqués a pris la decision d'implanter un programme d'assurance-maladie perinet d'affirmer que le rôle des Idées a été déterminant pour seulement trois de ceux-ci: le gouvernement fédéral, celui de la Saskatchewan et celui du Québec. La décision du gouvernement fédéral a été fortement influencée par les initiatives britanniques en la matière; la Saskatchewan est intervenue en mison de l'idéologie socialiste de son gouvernement; quant au Québec, il a agi sous l'impulsion dun interventionnisme en rupture avec le passé. Cependant, puisque les huit autres gouvernements en sont venus à croire nécessaire d'offrir de tels programmes à cause des initiatives du gouvernement fédéral et de celui de la Saskatchewan, on peut néanmoins considérer pe la variable des Idées constitue fondanientalement la variable clé qui explique la création de programmes d'assurance-maladie au Canada. Parmi les trois phénomènes d'Idées distingués, c'est l'influence de la Crande-Bretagne qui s'est probahlement avérée la plus importante. Abstract: First of all, this article underlines briefly the political significance of health insurance in Canada. After reviewing the main areas of interest for policy research, the author considers at greater length the reasons why Canada opted in favour of a health insurance plan. This question is introduced through a comparative study by Anthony King, published in 1973. which attributes the absence of a universal health insurance plan in the United States to the preponderont influence of Ideas, which is to say, the collective values of the American nation. Likewise, can we explain the existence of such programs in Canada on the basis of this variable? A study of the context in which each of the eleven governments involved made the decision to set up a health insurance plan shows that Ideas have played a decisive role for only three of them: the federal government, the government of Saskatchewan and the government of Quebec. The federal government's decision had been strongly influenced by the British example; Saskatchewan acted because of the socialist ideology of its government; as to Quebec, it moved under the impulse of an interventionist movement breaking with its tradition. However, since the eight other governments came to believe that they had to offer such programs because of the initiatives of both the federal government and the government of Saskatchewan, one can consider nevertheless that the ideas variable was basically the key to the creation of health insurance programs in Canada. A further examination of the three Ideas phenomena indicates that it is probably Great Britain's influence which has been most important.     

The Pandora’s box: democratization and rule of law in Turkey

A prominent question in the literature on democracy is concerned with the role of external factors in stimulating the process of democratization and uploading rule of law. This paper tackles the following questions: How does the political conditionality of an international organization—the EU in this case—stimulate democracy in third countries? Equally important, does conditionality always have a positive impact and could it be possible to witness the EU undermining democracy in an unexpected manner? This paper addresses these questions through an analysis of the Turkish democracy in the light of its accession to the EU and through an application of the EU membership conditionality by looking at rule of law in Turkey. The general contention in the political conditionality literature is that the EU enables an acceding country to adopt its democratic principles, and facilitates transition to democracy, while strengthening rule of law. However, the Turkish transformation seems to challenge this contention. This paper proposes that the EU’s political conditionality in bringing about political transformation in Turkey as a membership precondition unexpectedly illuminated the underlying anti-democratic tendencies and tensions in Turkish politics. The democratization process in Turkey since 1999, partly stimulated by the EU, has opened up a Pandora’s box releasing the conflict between the secularists and religious conservatives in Turkey that has long been suppressed. This paper analyzes these cleavages through the prism of EU political conditionality with regards to rule of law.     

An island unmixed: European military intervention and the displacement of Crete's Muslims, 1896–1908

This article examines the displacement of the majority of Crete's Muslim population after an upheaval led to the establishment of an autonomous regime on the island in 1898, following the military intervention by a coalition of European powers (Britain, France, Italy and Russia). By drawing a connection between Cretan topography and the type of intervention, I argue that the coalition's policies played a central role in Muslim emigration from the greatest Ottoman island. The article highlights the sectarian lens through which the European decision-makers regarded relations between the island's Christian and Muslim populations. In so doing, it makes a contribution to the history of European intervention in the Ottoman Empire. The final section offers a glimpse into the diminished Muslim minority under the autonomous regime, which was established after Abdülhamid II withdrew his soldiers from Crete, signifying de facto termination of Ottoman sovereignty on the island.