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The intent of the research was to conduct a replication study of a previous investigation in order to permit a comparative analysis of some aspects that might permeate overtime from the street sex trade of Honolulu, Hawaii. The design comprised the elements of a (1) longitudinal design, (2) a snowball sampling technique, (3) a survey instrument and (4) ethnographic and field data collection. Data comparison utilized survey interviews obtained from a population immersed in the street sex trade at the same location but from two different points in time. Both studies used Likert scale and semantic differential tests to target the prostitutes' attitudes toward the law, experiences with local social service agencies, and other aspects of the streetwalkers' personal lives. Details included the use of drugs and alcohol, fear of sexually transmitted infections, and experiences with crime and victimization. Increases in highest educational level completed were noted, but decreases in the completion of high school were more significant. Self reported use of narcotics was relatively consistent across the two studies, but an overall decrease in frequency of use was found. The current subjects rated HIV and AIDS their number one personal concern; whereas in 1974, the most commonly chosen concern was being arrested. None of the 1992 subjects reported that they had contracted HIV or the AIDS virus and stated that they preliminary depended on regular military clients for their income. The overall analysis of both samples yielded the epidemiological themes of (1) drug addition, (2) sexual exploitation, and (3) sexually transmitted infections among those within the street sex trade even though the time periods between them had spanned almost over twenty years. This revised version was published online in July 2006 with corrections to the Cover Date.  相似文献   
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The OASI eligibility provisions include a retirement test (or earnings test), and in 1979 aged beneficiaries who are under age 72 give up $1 in current benefits for each $2 of annual earnings above $4,500. If the retirement test were eliminated, total OASI payouts would increase because aged workers would no longer forfeit benefits. Aged workers also might increase earnings or delay retirement if this penalty on work effort were removed. Increased earnings would generate additional OASDHI taxes and individual income taxes. This article examines the fiscal effects on OASI benefit payouts and increased tax receipts if the retirement test were eliminated.  相似文献   
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Gordon Tullock 《Public Choice》2005,123(1-2):49-58
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Unelected officials with coercive powers (e.g., police, prosecutors, bureaucrats) vary markedly in the extent to which citizens view their actions as legitimate. We explore the institutional determinants of legitimate authority in the context of a public goods laboratory experiment. In the experiment, an “authority” can target one “citizen” for punishment following citizen contribution choices. Untargeted citizens can then choose to help or hinder the authority. This latter choice may be interpreted as a behavioral measure of the authority's legitimacy. We find that legitimacy is affected by how authorities are compensated, the transparency with which their decisions are observed, and an interaction between these. When transparency is high, citizens are more willing to assist authorities who receive fixed salaries than those who personally benefit from collected penalties, even when citizens' material incentives are controlled for. Lower transparency reduces support, but only for salaried enforcers.  相似文献   
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Did the Suez crisis mark the end of empire in Britain and France, their submission to the political domination of the United States and the beginnings of a ‘new Europe’? Or did it stimulate a rethinking and reformulation of the meaning of empire, its utility and costs? This article argues that the ‘retreat from empire’ was not so much a simple, reflexive response to demands from below but a conscious effort by those from above to find new ways of exploiting the opportunities that the world beyond Europe offered them. Decolonisation, it is argued, is best understood in terms of contemporary business thinking, i.e. a conscious design on the part of managers to ‘downsize’, ‘restructure’, and ‘re‐engineer’ the imperial project. And, as in the corporate world, what might appear to the naked eye as retreat and abandonment may, on closer examination, turn out to be something more ambitious, an attempt to divest the imperial enterprise of unprofitable ventures and to reinvigorate those that are deemed to have untapped potential. After Suez, Britain attempted to demonstrate to the Americans that maintaining their access to middle eastern oil was vital both strategically and economically. They attempted to persuade them that ‘Nasserism’ was second only to communism as a danger to the western alliance, to have them drop their ‘anticolonialist’ rhetoric and to support the Bagdad Pact. In order to combat the anticolonial movement they established a ‘colonial’ bloc at the UN. Assuming that the Suez crisis marked the end of empire has hidden the struggle between Britain and France to redefine its meaning and has concealed the extent to which ambitious designs continued to persist in the contest to determine the future shape of a ‘united’ Europe — a struggle in which neither the British nor the French regarded themselves as pawns of the Americans in the Cold War, but rather one in which they attempted to move the powerful new American piece around the chess board in the middle east, Africa and Asia.  相似文献   
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