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401.
Stephanie H. Cook José A. Bauermeister Deborah Gordon-Messer Marc A. Zimmerman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2013,42(11):1674-1686
Researchers have reported that network characteristics are associated with substance use behavior. Considering that social interactions within online networks are increasingly common, we examined the relationship between online network characteristics and substance use in a sample of emerging adults (ages 18–24) from across the United States (N = 2,153; M = 21 years old; 47 % female; 70 % White). We used regression analyses to examine the relationship between online ego network characteristics (i.e., characteristics of individuals directly related to the focal participant plus the relationships shared among individuals within the online network) and alcohol use and substance use, respectively. Alcohol use was associated with network density (i.e., interconnectedness between individuals in a network), total number of peer ties, and a greater proportion of emotionally close ties. In sex-stratified models, density was related to alcohol use for males but not females. Drug use was associated with an increased number of peer ties, and the increased proportion of network members’ discussion and acceptance of drug use, respectively. We also found that online network density and total numbers of ties were associated with more personal drug use for males but not females. Conversely, we noted that social norms were related to increased drug use and this relationship was stronger for females than males. We discuss the implications of our findings for substance use and online network research. 相似文献
402.
Voters normally split their tickets when they do not feel sufficiently represented by only one political party or when politicians cultivate a personal vote regardless of party identification. Yet, voters might also split their tickets when they feel indifferent about like-minded parties or individual candidates. The authors distinguish between misalignment ticket-splitting (MATS), caused by a mismatch between voters’ preferences and the alternatives offered by the party system, and mis-coordination ticket-splitting (MCTS), when like-minded parties offer choices equally acceptable to voters. MCTS is likely to occur under proportional representation systems with multiple parties. The authors apply our categorization to concurrent presidential and legislative elections in Chile in 2005 and 2009. There was plenty of MCTS but little MATS. The authors suggest that the two forms should be separately analyzed as they are reflective of different political phenomena. 相似文献
403.
This article aims to introduce and explain a guideline to plan and perform health campaigns through social marketing. The model is based on the social marketing principles and its objective is to help professionals develop an action plan setting step-by-step the processes to produce health campaigns to achieve the ultimate goal behavior change. Three levels of action 10 have been set: (i) diagnosing the social problem; (ii) designing the benefits of changing behavior; and (iii) setting the marketing mix. This social marketing plan is an option to introduce customer orientation backed by integrated marketing aimed at generating consumer satisfaction as the key to behavior change in the public health policies. 相似文献
404.
José Luis Zafra-Gómez Ana María Plata-Díaz Juan Carlos Garrido-Rodríguez 《Local Government Studies》2016,42(2):287-308
Financial and political factors are widely considered to be an explanatory factor of the privatisation of public services. However, the empirical evidence in this respect is not convincing. This paper considers elements of long-term financial condition and ideological and political strength, together with other socio-economic factors and the effects of the current global financial crisis, to address the financial stress–privatisation relationship, with respect to urban water services, observed during the period 2002–2012 in Spanish municipalities. A discrete time survival model is applied, and the results obtained show that certain elements of financial condition, together with political and ideological factors, are decisive influences in decisions to privatise urban water services. We also highlight the major impact of the Great Recession and its effect on the financial stress–privatisation relationship. 相似文献
405.
Andria B. Eisman Sarah A. Stoddard José A. Bauermeister Cleopatra H. Caldwell Marc A. Zimmerman 《Journal of youth and adolescence》2016,45(1):225-238
Organized activity participation provides important opportunities for adolescents to develop assets and resources related to positive youth development. Predisposing factors, in addition to sociodemographics and self-selection factors, may influence how youth participate over time. In this study, we used growth mixture modeling with longitudinal data from African American adolescents attending urban high schools in Flint, MI to identify subgroups of participation trajectories (Wave 1 N = 681, mean age at Wave 1 = 14.86 years, 51 % female). We measured activity participation using psychological and behavioral engagement across multiple contexts over the 4 years of high school. We examined how predisposing risk and promotive factors were related to these trajectories, accounting for sociodemographic and self-selection factors. The results indicated three participation trajectories: a low group decreasing over time (74 %), a moderate, consistent participation group (21 %) and a moderate, increasing group (5 %). More substance use was associated with lower odds of being in the moderate/consistent versus low/decreasing participation group. More parental support was associated with lower odds of being in the moderate/increasing versus the moderate/consistent group. Our results suggest that addressing predisposing factors such as substance use may help facilitate participation over time. 相似文献
406.
The purpose of this paper is to empirically analyze the effects of political instability, social polarization and the quality of institutions on inflation volatility over time and across countries. Using the system-GMM estimator for linear dynamic panel data models on a sample covering 160 countries, analyzed in the period from 1960 to 1999, this paper finds that higher degrees of political instability and social polarization, less democracy, and lower de facto central bank independence are associated with more volatile inflation rates. Furthermore, political instability has greater effects on inflation volatility in developing countries with lower degrees of central bank independence and economic freedom. 相似文献
407.
In this article, we examine the difficult leadership position President Barack Obama inherited as he took office with respect to science and technology policy making and implementation, particularly following the Bush administration and years of the so‐called “war on science.” We contend that the Obama administration's challenge is not only to take substantive policy action, but also to reform certain administrative practices, particularly in light of the previous administration's practice of the politics of strategic vacancies, a managerial technique that rearranges an agency's ideological inclinations not through the usual forms of active politicization (i.e., by filling the appointee ranks with like‐minded ideologues) but instead by “starving” the agency of staff and co‐opting its agenda that way. 相似文献
408.
409.
André Holenstein 《议会、议员及代表》2013,33(1):3-27
The documentary and bibliographic references at our disposal in relation to the buildings where Valencian parliamentary sessions were held during the Middle and Modern Ages are very scarce. The available data show a practically exclusive utilization of religious buildings (temples and convents). The causes of this preference must lie in medieval policy, practical reasons and a certain connotation of neutrality which was inherent to such buildings. In any case, their utilization implied fitting out the religious building in question so as to adapt it to the new parliamentary functions via a convenient distribution of its space and the execution of ephemeral works in it. In turn, secular spaces, and more precisely those of royal ownership (castles, palaces), were occasionally used for the celebration of some parliamentary assemblies. But these assemblies were never entirely held from their opening to their closure in those contexts; only some of their sessions took place in those premises. The celebration of Valencian parliamentary sessions in privately owned buildings of ecclesiastical or aristocratic nature was exceptional. 相似文献
410.