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241.
The Lyons Inquiry into local government in Britain represented a significant contribution to the debate on local government reform, with policy ramifications well beyond contemporary Britain. This article considers the Inquiry's concept of “place-shaping” as a mode of local government reform which captures the experience of a number of developing countries in recent years. By way of illustrative examples, we examine these processes in the specific contexts of South Africa and Indonesia. In particular, we consider whether the devolution of functions to municipalities in developmental settings constitutes place-shaping, and how this bears on processes of local government reform in developed nations. 相似文献
242.
Andrew Lohmann Grant McMurran 《Journal of prevention & intervention in the community》2013,41(1):66-81
Using a natural quasi-experimental pretest/posttest design, residents in randomly selected homes in a suburb of Los Angeles were surveyed about their perceptions of their neighborhoods with respect to cohesion and sense of community. Responses from the pretest surveys—administered before the construction of a freeway that would bisect the city—were compared to the responses from the posttest survey six years later, administered two years after completion of the freeway. Respondents living adjacent to the new freeway—residents who experienced a fourfold increase in the average decibel levels in their neighborhoods since the freeway opened—reported both a lower sense of community and smaller neighborhood areas as compared to residents not living adjacent to the freeway and as compared to the results from the pretest. The analysis of the data incorporated geographic information system (GIS) software to allow for the analysis of phenomenological neighborhoods—neighborhoods as defined by respondents. This Resident-defined Neighborhood Mapping methodology permitted us to analyze neighborhoods as the respondents outlined them, not as they were preconceived by someone outside the neighborhood. It is suggested that this new methodology may prove useful in advancing the field of neighborhood research by detecting neighborhood-level change that traditional methods may miss. 相似文献
243.
Wyn Grant 《Public administration》2006,84(2):494-495
AGRICULTURAL POLICY IN EUROPE Alan Greer Manchester University Press, 2005, 238 pp., £55 (hb) ISBN: 071906029X 相似文献
244.
Alan Grant 《The Political quarterly》2004,75(2):132-141
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246.
This study investigates the dynamics of public opinion on cultural policy issues over the past four decades. We find collective opinions on many such issues follow the same path over time, driven by an underlying cultural policy mood (CPM). We use more than 2,000 survey marginals, nested in more than 200 time series, that reflect aggregate opinions in 16 cultural policy domains, across 38 years. Using a dynamic principal components method, the results show that since the early 1970s, CPM has moved steadily and consistently in a liberal direction. Over this period, changes in CPM have been tightly linked to changes in aggregate religiosity. Opinion on two notable cultural issues—the death penalty and abortion—do not follow CPM. While public opinion has grown increasingly anti-death-penalty for more than a decade, over roughly the same period it has become as pro-life on abortion as at any time since Roe v. Wade. The measurement of CPM provides evidence of a macro construct of cultural issues that includes opinion toward many, but not all, morality policies. 相似文献
247.
Grant Ferrier 《International Environmental Agreements: Politics, Law and Economics》2010,10(2):147-164
The market for environmental goods and services in Mexico almost doubled in size between 1995 and 2005, amounting to $4.7 billion in 2005. But just how large a role did the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) play directly in this cycle? According to environmental industry participants in Mexico, while not meaningless, the NAFTA law and its implementation were not a major factor in directly driving environmental market growth. First, the environmental market grew only marginally higher than the gross domestic product (GDP) during 1995–2005. Second, it was largely two factors that paced the environmental market growth: an increase in certain domestic environmental programs that largely separate from NAFTA and an influx of foreign manufacturers into Mexico, some of which brought a higher standard of environmental operations with them. Drivers of environmental markets are both economic and regulatory, and in both instances, they are multifaceted, so that no one policy instrument or economic trend is solely responsible for major trends within the environmental industry. However, it is apparent that NAFTA has had some role in accelerating the evolution of environmental markets in Mexico, but arguably a lesser influence than it could have been. Notably, NAFTA had little impact on stimulating growth on the domestic environmental industry in Mexico as trade deficits increased during 1995–2005. The lesson for policymakers may be that trade agreements need some more active entity in assuring not just some uniformity in environmental standards and in the compliance with same, but also in the environmental industry capacity to meet those compliance objectives. 相似文献
248.
This paper considers the problems presented by modern bureaucratic organizations within the framework of postmodern philosophy. Bureaucracy represents the logical outcome of the rational tradition in western philosophy. Because of their efficiency properties, individuals are both the beneficiaries and victims of bureaucratic behavior. We suggest that a solution to these problems will not be found by using existing philosophical frameworks. The French philosopher Jean-Francois Lyotard presents a model of postmodern relationships based on language games. We explore the concept of language games within bureaucratic settings. 相似文献
249.
250.
Alan Grant 《The Journal of Legislative Studies》2013,19(2):115-135
From 1990 to 1995 almost half of the American states adopted term limits for their congressional representatives and state legislatures. Although the US Supreme Court declared these laws unconstitutional as far as federal legislators are concerned, many states are proceeding to implement term limits for their own legislatures. This article examines the historical background to rotation in office, the political and constitutional issues involved, the term limits movement and its evolving strategies, congressional action on a proposed constitutional amendment and the impact on state legislatures. It concludes that the relative decline of the term limits movement since 1995 can be explained by a number of factors, including factionalism among its supporters and improving economic conditions in the country, but that it has made its own distinctive mark on American politics and its effects will be felt over the coming years. 相似文献