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121.
Geoffrey Gray 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2006,52(3):362-377
The main focus of examinations of intellectual suppression and censorship of scholars and academics in Australia has been on the post‐1945 period, particularly the Cold War. The interwar years have, in comparison, received little attention, resulting in a lack of historical understanding of the development of censorious structures and traditions in Australia. In this paper I discuss the exclusion of Paul Kirchhoff, a German anthropologist, a member of the German Communist Party and a Jew, from undertaking anthropological research in Australia, including its external territories, between 1931 and 1932. Kirchhoff applied for a research grant from the Australian National Research Council (ANRC) which, although awarded, was withdrawn once the Executive Committee was informed by the Australian government that the British MI5 considered him a security risk. His membership of the Communist Party was the reason put forward. This case also underlines the transnational aspect of security services and the international reach of academic anthropology. Kirchhoff was a victim of the ANRC's sympathetic collaboration with the Commonwealth Attorney‐General's office to stifle academic and civil freedom. 相似文献
122.
123.
Julia Gray 《American journal of political science》2009,53(4):931-949
Much of the literature on international institutions argues that membership regularizes expectations about members' future behavior. Using the accession of the postcommunist countries as a test case, this article argues that the EU can send strong signals to financial markets about the trajectory of a particular country. Examining spreads on sovereign debt from 1990 to 2006, this article shows that closing negotiation chapters on domestic economic policy—in other words, receiving a seal of approval from Brussels that previously existing policy reform is acceptable to the wider EU—substantially decreases perceptions of default risk in those countries. That decrease operates independently from policy reform that the country has taken and is also distinct from selection processes (modeled here with new variables, including UNESCO World Heritage sites and domestic movie production, that proxy for cultural factors). Thus, this particular international organization has played an important role in coordinating market sentiment on members, conferring confidence that policy reform alone could not accomplish. 相似文献
124.
Derrick Gray 《Journal of Law and the Biosciences》2015,2(2):421-427
Alan Wertheimer argues that promulgating some ethical standards of international clinical research may be self-defeating: the intended purpose of these standards is to promote the interests of subjects and communities in LMICs, while the outcome of promulgation could be to undermine these very same interests. If enforced, such standards would increase the costs of performing beneficial research in LMICs, potentially diverting opportunities to participate in this research away from those who have no other access to the care participation allows. I argue that these standards are really intended as deontological constraints protecting subjects from being exploited by research sponsors. First, I show that Wertheimer begs the question against this deontological interpretation of ethics promulgations, rejecting it on non-deontological grounds. I go on to show that non-exploitation is an important goal on its own, sometimes independent from—and sometimes even outweighing—the goal of promoting the interests of subjects and communities in LMICs. I conclude by suggesting that those who criticize the promulgation of non-exploitation on the grounds that exploitative practices help those badly off might do best to reconsider the background assumption that sponsors in wealthier countries have no pre-existing obligation to promote the interests of the world''s poor. 相似文献
125.
Anthony Gray 《澳大利亚政治与历史杂志》2012,58(4):591-608
Electoral law has been the subject of several High Court decisions in recent years, and this jurisprudence, as well as some of the political science literature, is canvassed here. I argue that there are serious constitutional question marks over Australia's system of “compulsory voting”. There are two particular constitutional arguments against “compulsory voting”. Firstly it infringes the implied freedom of political communication which the High Court has recognised since 1992. Secondly, it is inconsistent with the right to vote recognised by the High Court as being implicit in s7 and s24 of the Constitution. On this basis citizens entitled to vote should have the freedom not to do so (as is the case in many other representative democracies in which voting is voluntary). 相似文献
126.
Previous research has suggested the use of corporal punishment is widely endorsed in our society (Straus, 2000; Straus & Stewart, 1999). Furthermore, perceptions of what constitutes corporal punishment vary. The present study examined social dominance orientation (SDO) and age of child as potential factors that may influence perceptions of what is viewed as corporal punishment versus physical abuse. The sample consisted of 206 undergraduate students enrolled at a Rocky Mountain University. A series of regressions were used to examine the relationships between SDO and six forms of punishment. Findings suggest, higher levels of SDO are significantly related to more ratings of physical punishment versus physical abuse. The primary findings of the present study showed SDO was significantly related to how an individual perceives corporal punishment. These results have important implications by serving as a stepping-stone into further understanding what factors may have an influence on perceptions of corporal punishment. 相似文献
127.
Caroline Gray 《Nationalism and Ethnic Politics》2015,21(1):63-82
Bilateral Spanish-Basque relations over the Basque model of near fiscal autonomy (Concierto Económico or Economic Agreement) have been characterized by more tension than harmony since the 1980s. The main source of discord lies in different conceptions of the model: While the Basque nationalists seek increasing fiscal autonomy verging on sovereignty within Europe, Spanish governments see it as a form of fiscal decentralization within Spain remaining subordinate to Spanish legislation. These different conceptions cannot easily coexist in a loose relationship of mutual tolerance because the development of the model continues to bring them into conflict, feeding into the broader political clash over how best to accommodate the Basque region within or with Spain. 相似文献
128.
129.
Phillip W. Gray 《Journal of Political Ideologies》2018,23(2):141-156
This article examines the ideology of the ‘alt-right,’ specifically in its relation to the importance of identity. Placing the alt-right within the context of the rising importance of identity within American society, the article discusses the alt-right as overlapping in significant ways with the identitarian elements within the American Left. Investigating the manner in which national/racial identity plays a central role in alt-right thinking and using the notion of ‘category-based epistemology’ for guidance, this article argues that the alt-right – rather than a quirk of the 2016 electoral cycle – is likely to increase in its importance as a ‘rightist’ form of intersectionality. 相似文献
130.
Drug-involved offenders report high rates of mental health problems that can negatively impact criminal justice outcomes.
Yet, relatively little attention has been given to the mental health issues of drug court offenders. Therefore, this study
examined 449 participants in a Delaware drug court and investigated relationships between mental health, gender, and program
completion. Bivariate results indicated that gender was related to both mental health status and completion status. Multivariate
findings revealed that two indicators of mental health, depression and being prescribed drugs for a psychological or emotional
problem, were significant predictors of drug court completion. Policy implications include assessing the mental health status
of all drug court participants at program entry so that services can be provided which aim to improve offender health and
increase the likelihood of successful program outcomes. Drug courts must better meet the needs of participants with co-occurring
disorders if they are to remain an effective and viable criminal justice intervention.
This research was supported by grant RO1 DA12424 “Drug Court Offenders in Outpatient Treatment,” by the National Institute
on Drug Abuse. 相似文献