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Liberal moments and democracy’s durability: Comparing global outbreaks of democracy—1918, 1945, 1989
Daniel M. Green 《Studies in Comparative International Development (SCID)》1999,34(1):83-120
Conclusion Liberal Moments are constructed by ideational as well as more materials phenomena; by the crisis situations of war, the moments
of peace that follow, and the liberal norms at play at each junsture. Understanding Liberal Moments is crucial to understanding
the development of the international syaytem in the 20th century and the prospects for democracy or dictatorship across polities.
These Moments have been times of heady enthusiasm, when the most liberal ambitions of key actors in the world community have
been put forward. The patterns and extent of their unraveling are key indicators of the character of national politics thereafter.
Daniel M. Green is an Assistant Professor in the Department of Political Science and International Relations at the University
of Delaware. His writings have appeared inDemocratization, Governance, Humboldt Journal of Social Research, and theReview of African Political Economy. He is currently finishing a book on the politics of economic reform in Ghana and editing a volume entitledConstructivist Comparative Politics: Theoretical Issues and Case Studies. 相似文献
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Putting Politics First: The Impact of Politics on American Religious and Secular Orientations
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David E. Campbell Geoffrey C. Layman John C. Green Nathanael G. Sumaktoyo 《American journal of political science》2018,62(3):551-565
Nearly all research on the political impact of Americans’ religious and secular orientations assumes that such orientations are exogenous to politics. Using multiwave panel and experimental data, we find that religious and secular orientations are endogenous to political orientations. In other words, religion and secularism are a consequence as well as a cause of politics. In showing this, we make three major contributions. First, we conceptualize and measure secular orientations in a new way—not just as the absence of religion, but also as an affirmative secular identity and positive commitment to secular principles. Second, our panel and experimental data allow for the most definitive test to date of whether political orientations exert a causal effect on religious and secular orientations. Third, we isolate the conditions under which politics affects religious–secular perspectives, thus identifying the mechanism that underlies political orientations. 相似文献
78.
What do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible. 相似文献
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Tiffany C. Davenport Alan S. Gerber Donald P. Green Christopher W. Larimer Christopher B. Mann Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):423-430
Recent field experiments have demonstrated the powerful effect of social pressure messages on voter turnout. This research
note considers the question of whether these interventions’ effects persist over a series of subsequent elections. Tracking
more than one million voters from six experimental studies, we find strong and statistically significant enduring effects
one and sometimes two years after the initial communication. 相似文献
80.
For almost two decades restorative justice practices have demonstrated positive impacts on crime victim satisfaction when compared to court and other adversarial processes. Although restorative justice practice has by no means addressed the myriad needs of the majority of crime victims, researchers and policy makers have puzzled about how to interpret these generally positive findings. We suggest that remaining difficulties in interpretation and application of findings are due largely to (1) the lack of clear standards for gauging the integrity, or “restorativeness,” of interventions and (2) the failure to articulate logical mechanisms (i.e., intervention theories) that connect practices to immediate and intermediate outcomes, and these outcomes to long term changes in the well-being of victims, offenders, and communities. This article focuses primarily on the first problem, defining the “independent variable” in restorative practices aimed at having an impact on crime victims. Using qualitative data from a national case study, a principle-based approach to evaluation with implications for intervention theory and both input and outcome measures in future research is proposed and briefly illustrated. 相似文献