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Eva G. T. Green Lotte Thomsen Jim Sidanius Christian Staerklé Polina Potanina 《Social Justice Research》2009,22(4):416-436
Across two studies, we demonstrated that support for group-based hierarchies differentially affects evaluation of ingroup
and outgroup criminal offenders and that this effect generalizes to overall evaluations of their respective groups. Drawing
on social dominance theory, our results show that differential judgments of national ingroup and immigrant outgroup offenders
reflect hierarchy regulating strategies. Study 1 (N = 94) revealed that egalitarians (low on SDO) were more lenient toward outgroup offenders and their ethnic group (Arab immigrants)
when compared to ingroup offenders and their national group (Swiss citizens). The opposite was true for social dominators
(high on SDO). Study 2 (N = 88) replicated the results of Study 1 and further demonstrated that the socio-economic status of the perpetrator did not
affect perpetrator group evaluations suggesting that the arbitrary sets of ethnicity or nationality, not education level and
employment status, were the important cues for hierarchy-regulating judgments of criminal offenders. 相似文献
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Tiffany C. Davenport Alan S. Gerber Donald P. Green Christopher W. Larimer Christopher B. Mann Costas Panagopoulos 《Political Behavior》2010,32(3):423-430
Recent field experiments have demonstrated the powerful effect of social pressure messages on voter turnout. This research
note considers the question of whether these interventions’ effects persist over a series of subsequent elections. Tracking
more than one million voters from six experimental studies, we find strong and statistically significant enduring effects
one and sometimes two years after the initial communication. 相似文献
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Putting Politics First: The Impact of Politics on American Religious and Secular Orientations
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David E. Campbell Geoffrey C. Layman John C. Green Nathanael G. Sumaktoyo 《American journal of political science》2018,62(3):551-565
Nearly all research on the political impact of Americans’ religious and secular orientations assumes that such orientations are exogenous to politics. Using multiwave panel and experimental data, we find that religious and secular orientations are endogenous to political orientations. In other words, religion and secularism are a consequence as well as a cause of politics. In showing this, we make three major contributions. First, we conceptualize and measure secular orientations in a new way—not just as the absence of religion, but also as an affirmative secular identity and positive commitment to secular principles. Second, our panel and experimental data allow for the most definitive test to date of whether political orientations exert a causal effect on religious and secular orientations. Third, we isolate the conditions under which politics affects religious–secular perspectives, thus identifying the mechanism that underlies political orientations. 相似文献
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What do nuclear weapons mean for the stability of the military balance? Mutually assured destruction (MAD) describes a stalemated balance of power where nuclear adversaries possess survivable retaliatory capabilities that ensure neither side can escape devastation in an all-out nuclear war. Moreover, the strong form of this empirical claim, which one might term “deep MAD,” is that mutual vulnerability is an inalterable and unchangeable condition. Drawing from recently declassified primary sources, we test several of deep MAD's premises and predictions on one of its foundational cases: Soviet nuclear policy during the second half of the Cold War. We find that Soviet leaders remained seriously concerned about the nuclear balance even in an allegedly deep-MAD environment where warheads numbered in the tens of thousands. Indeed, Soviet leaders were uncertain that they could indefinitely maintain a secure second strike despite strenuous efforts. The reason for these discrepancies, we argue, is that the nuclear balance is actually more malleable than commonly admitted. The possibility that MAD might one day be escaped meant that US attempts to manipulate the nuclear balance during the latter part of the Cold War could carry political weight, even while MAD was still possible. 相似文献
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